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WORKERS OF ALL COUNTRIES UNITE! 



QUOTATIONS FROM 

CHAIRMAN 
MAO TSE- TUNG 



FOREIGN LANGUAGE PRESS 
PEKING 1966 



First Edition 19 



Printed in the People's Republic of China 












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Study Chairman Mao's writings, follow 
his teachings and act according to his 
instructions. 

Lin Piao 



A facsimile of the above state- 
ment by Comrade Lin Piao 
in his own handwriting appears 
on the previous page. 



FOREWORD TO 
THE SECOND EDITION OF 

QUOTATIONS FROM 
CHAIRMAN MAO TSE-TUNG 

(December 16, 1966) 

Lin Piao 



Comrade Mao Tse-tung is the greatest 
Marxist-Leninist of our era. He has in- 
herited, defended and developed Marxism- 
Leninism with genius, creatively and com- 
prehensively and has brought it to a higher 
and completely new stage. 

Mao Tse-tung's thought is Marxism- 
Leninism of the era in which imperialism 
is heading for total collapse and socialism 
is advancing to world-wide victory. It is a 
powerful ideological weapon for opposing 
imperialism and for opposing revisionism 



and dogmatism. Mao Tse-tung's thought 
is the guiding principle for all the work of 
the Party, the army and the country. 

Therefore, the most fundamental task in 
our Party's political and ideological work 
is at all times to hold high the great red 
banner of Mao Tse-tung's thought, to arm 
the minds of the people throughout the 
country with it and to persist in using it 
to command every field of activity. The 
broad masses of the workers, peasants and 
soldiers and the broad ranks of the rev- 
olutionary cadres and the intellectuals 
should really master Mao Tse-tung's 
thought; they should all study Chairman 
Mao's writings, follow his teachings, act 
according to his instructions and be his 
good fighters. 

In studying the works of Chairman Mao, 
one should have specific problems in mind, 
study and apply his works in a creative 
way, combine study with application, first 
study what must be urgently applied so as 
to get quick results, and strive hard to 
apply what one is studying. In order real- 
ly to master Mao Tse-tung's thought, it is 



essential to study many of Chairman Mao's 
basic concepts over and over again, and 
it is best to memorize important statements 
and study and apply them repeatedly. The 
newspapers should regularly carry quota- 
tions from Chairman Mao relevant to cur- 
rent issues for readers to study and apply. 
The experience of the broad masses in their 
creative study and application of Chairman 
Mao's works in the last few years has 
proved that to study selected quotations 
from Chairman Mao with specific problems 
in mind is a good way to learn Mao 
Tse-tung's thought, a method conducive to 
quick results. 

We have compiled Quotations from 
Chairman Mao Tse-tung in order to help 
the broad masses learn Mao Tse-tung's 
thought more effectively. In organizing 
their study, units should select passages 
that are relevant to the situation, their 
tasks, the current thinking of their person- 
nel, and the state of their work. 

In our great motherland, a new era is 
emerging in which the workers, peasants 
and soldiers are grasping Marxism- 



Leninism, Mao Tse-tung's thought. Once 
Mao Tse-tung's thought is grasped by the 
broad masses, it becomes an inexhaustible 
source of strength and a spiritual atom 
bomb of infinite power. The large-scale 
publication of Quotations from Chairman 
Mao Tse-tung is a vital measure for en- 
abling the broad masses to grasp Mao 
Tse-tung's thought and for promoting the 
revolutionization of our people's thinking. 
It is our hope that all comrades will learn 
earnestly and diligently, bring about a new 
nation-wide high tide in the creative study 
and application of Chairman Mao's works 
and, under the great red banner of Mao 
Tse-tung's thought, strive to build our coun- 
try into a great socialist state with modern 
agriculture, modern industry, modern science 
and culture and modern national defence! 



CONTENTS 

I. The Communist Party i 

II. Classes and Class Struggle 8 

III. Socialism and Communism 23 

IV. The Correct Handling of Con- 





tradictions Among the People 


45 


V. 


War and Peace 


58 


VI. 


Imperialism and All Reaction- 






aries Are Paper Tigers 


72 


VII. 


Dare to Struggle and Dare to Win 


82 


VIII. 


People's War 


88 


IX. 


The People's Army 


99 


X. 


Leadership of Party Committees 


104 


XI. 


The Mass Line 


118 


XII. 


Political Work 


134 


XIII. 


Relations Between Officers and 





Men 148 



XIV. Relations Between the Army 

and the People 153 

XV. Democracy in the Three Main 

Fields 157 

XVI. Education and the Training of 

Troops 165 

XVII. Serving the People 170 

XVIII. Patriotism and Internationalism 175 

XIX. Revolutionary Heroism 181 

XX. Building Our Country Through 

Diligence and Frugality 186 

XXI. Self-Reliance and Arduous Strug- 
gle 194 

XXII. Methods of Thinking and Meth- 
ods of Work 203 

XXIII. Investigation and Study 230 

XXIV. Ideological Self-Cultivation 237 
XXV. Unity 251 

XXVI. Discipline 254 

XXVII. Criticism and Self-Criticism 258 

XXVIII. Communists 268 



XXIX. Cadres 276 

XXX. Youth 288 

XXXI. Women 294 

XXXII. Culture and Art 299 

XXXIII. Study 304 

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Unless otherwise stated, the page 
number given for the source of a quota- 
tion refers to the first English edition 
of the book or pamphlet cited as pub- 
lished by the Foreign Languages 
Press, Peking. 

In cases where a word or phrase 
linked to the preceding text has been 
omitted in the opening sentence of the 
quotation, an asterisk is placed after 
the source. This is also done in a num- 
ber of places where the English render- 
ing has been reworded to make up for 
omission of context or to improve the 
translation. 

Translator 



I. THE COMMUNIST 
PARTY 



The force at the core leading our cause 
forward is the Chinese Communist Party. 

The theoretical basis guiding our think- 
ing is Marxism- Leninism 

Opening address at the First 
Session of the First National 
People's Congress of the People's 
Republic of China (September 15, 
1954)- 



If there is to be revolution, there must 
be a revolutionary party. Without a rev- 
olutionary party, without a party built on 
the Marxist-Leninist revolutionary theory 
and in the Marxist-Leninist revolutionary 
style, it is impossible to lead the working 
class and the broad masses of the people 



in defeating imperialism and its running 
dogs. 

"Revolutionary Forces of the 
World Unite, Fight Against Im- 
perialist Aggression!" (Novem- 
ber 1948), Selected Works, Vol. 
IV, p. 284.* 

Without the efforts of the Chinese Com- 
munist Party, without the Chinese Com- 
munists as the mainstay of the Chinese 
people, China can never achieve independ- 
ence and liberation, or industrialization and 
the modernization of her agriculture. 

"On Coalition Government" 

(April 24, 1945), Selected Works, 
Vol. Ill, p. 318.* 

The Chinese Communist Party is the 
core of leadership of the whole Chinese 
people. Without this core, the cause of 
socialism cannot be victorious. 

Talk at the general reception 
for the delegates to the Third 
National Congress of the New- 
Democratic Youth League of 
China (May 25, 1957). 



A well-disciplined Party armed with the 
theory of Marxism-Leninism, using the 
method of self-criticism and linked with 
the masses of the people; an army under 
the leadership of such a Party; a united 
front of all revolutionary classes and all 
revolutionary groups under the leadership 
of such a Party — these are the three main 
weapons with which we have defeated the 
enemy. 

"On the People's Democratic 
Dictatorship" (June 30, 1949), 
Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 422. 

We must have faith in the masses and we must 
have faith in the Party. These are two cardinal 
principles. If we doubt these principles, we shall 
accomplish nothing. 

On the Question of Agricultural 
Co-operation (July 31, 1955), 3rd 
ed., p. 7.* 
[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 188.] 

Armed with Marxist-Leninist theory and 
ideology, the Communist Party of China 



has brought a new style of work to the 
Chinese people, a style of work which 
essentially entails integrating theory with 
practice, forging close links with the masses 
and practising self-criticism. 

"On Coalition Government" 

(April 24, 1945), Selected Works, 
Vol. Ill, p. 314.* 



No political party can possibly lead a 
great revolutionary movement to victory 
unless it possesses revolutionary theory and 
a knowledge of history and has a profound 
grasp of the practical movement. 

"The Role of the Chinese Com- 
munist Party in the National 
War" (October 1938), Selected 
Works, Vol. II, p. 208. 

As we used to say, the rectification 
movement is "a widespread movement of 
Marxist education". Rectification means 
the whole Party studying Marxism through 
criticism and self-criticism. We can cer- 



tainly learn more about Marxism in the 
course of the rectification movement. 

Speech at the Chinese Communist 
Party's National Conference on 
Propaganda Work (March 12, 
1957), 1st pocket ed., p. 14. 
[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 428.] 

It is an arduous task to ensure a better 
life for the several hundred million people 
of China and to build our economically 
and culturally backward country into a 
prosperous and powerful one with a high 
level of culture. And it is precisely in order 
to be able to shoulder this task more com- 
petently and work better together with all 
non-Party people who are actuated by high 
ideals and determined to institute reforms 
that we must conduct rectification move- 
ments both now and in the future, and con- 
stantly rid ourselves of whatever is wrong. 

Ibid., pp. 15-16.* 

Policy is the starting-point of all the 
practical actions of a revolutionary party 
and manifests itself in the process and the 
end-result of that party's actions. A revolu- 
tionary party is carrying out a policy 



whenever it takes any action. If it is not 
carrying out a correct policy, it is carrying 
out a wrong policy; if it is not carrying 
out a given policy consciously, it is doing 
so blindly. What we call experience is 
the process and the end-result of carrying 
out a policy. Only through the practice of 
the people, that is, through experience, can 
we verify whether a policy is correct or 
wrong and determine to what extent it is 
correct or wrong. But people's practice, 
especially the practice of a revolutionary 
party and the revolutionary masses, cannot 
but be bound up with one policy or another. 
Therefore, before any action is taken, we 
must explain the policy, which we have 
formulated in the light of the given cir- 
cumstances, to Party members and to the 
masses. Otherwise, Party members and 
the masses will depart from the guidance 
of our policy, act blindly and carry out a 
wrong policy. 

"On the Policy Concerning In- 
dustry and Commerce" (February 
27, 1948), Selected Works, Vol. 
IV, pp. 204-05.* 



Our Party has laid down the general 
line and general policy of the Chinese revo- 
lution as well as various specific lines for 
work and specific policies. However, while 
many comrades remember our Party's 
specific lines for work and specific policies, 
they often forget its general line and 
general policy. If we actually forget the 
Party's general line and general policy, 
then we shall be blind, half-baked, 
muddle-headed revolutionaries, and when 
we carry out a specific line for work and 
a specific policy, we shall lose our bear- 
ings and vacillate now to the left and now 
to the right, and the work will suffer. 

"Speech at a Conference of Cad- 
res in the Shansi-Suiyuan Lib- 
erated Area" (April i, 1948), 
Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 238.* 

Policy and tactics are the life of the 
Party; leading comrades at all levels must 
give them full attention and must never 
on any account be negligent. 

"A Circular on the Situation" 
(March 20, 1948), Selected Works, 
Vol. IV, p. 220. 

7 



II. CLASSES AND CLASS 
STRUGGLE 



Classes struggle, some classes triumph, 
others are eliminated. Such is history, such 
is the history of civilization for thousands 
of years. To interpret history from this 
viewpoint is historical materialism; stand- 
ing in opposition to this viewpoint is 
historical idealism. 

"Cast Away Illusions, Prepare for- 
Struggle" (August 14, 1949), 
Selected Works, Vol. IV, p 428. 

In class society everyone lives as a mem- 
ber of a particular class, and every kind 
of thinking, without exception, is stamped 
with the brand of a class. 

"On Practice" (July 1937), 
Selected Works, Vol. I, p. 296. 



Changes in society are due chiefly to 
the development of the internal contradic- 
tions in society, that is, the contradiction 
between the productive forces and the 
relations of production, the contradiction 
between classes and the contradiction be- 
tween the old and the new; it is the 
development of these contradictions that 
pushes society forward and gives the 
impetus for the supersession of the old 
society by the new. 

"On Contradiction" (August 

1937), Selected Works, Vol. I, 
p. 314. 

The ruthless economic exploitation and 
political oppression of the peasants by the 
landlord class forced them into numerous 
uprisings against its rule. ... It was the 
class struggles of the peasants, the peasant 
uprisings and peasant wars that constituted 
the real motive force of historical develop- 
ment in Chinese feudal society. 

"The Chinese Revolution and the 
Chinese Communist Party" (De- 
cember 1939), Selected Works, 
Vol. II, p. 308.* 



In the final analysis, national struggle 
is a matter of class struggle. Among the 
whites in the United States it is only the 
reactionary ruling circles who oppress the 
black people. They can in no way 
represent the workers, farmers, revolu- 
tionary intellectuals and other enlightened 
persons who comprise the overwhelming 
majority of the white people. 

"Statement Supporting the Amer- 
ican Negroes in Their Just 
Struggle Against Racial Discrim- 
ination by U.S. Imperialism" 
(August 8, 1963), People of the 
World, Unite and Defeat the 
U.S. Aggressors and All Their 
Lackeys, 2nd ed., pp. 3-4.* 



It is up to us to organize the people. 
As for the reactionaries in China, it is up 
to us to organize the people to overthrow 
them. Everything reactionary is the same; 
if you don't hit it, it won't fall. This is 
also like sweeping the floor; as a rule, 



where the broom does not reach, the dust 
will not vanish of itself. 

"The Situation and Our Policy 
After the Victory in the War of 
Resistance Against Japan" 

(August 13, 1945), Selected Works, 
Vol. IV, p. 19. 

The enemy will not perish of himself. 
Neither the Chinese reactionaries nor the 
aggressive forces of U.S. imperialism in 
China will step down from the stage of 
history of their own accord. 

"Carry the Revolution Through 
to the End" (December 30, 1948), 
Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 301. 

A revolution is not a dinner party, or 
writing an essay, or painting a picture, or 
doing embroidery; it cannot be so refined, 
so leisurely and gentle, so temperate, kind, 
courteous, restrained and magnanimous. 
A revolution is an insurrection, an act of 



violence by which one class overthrows 
another. 

"Report on an Investigation of 
the Peasant Movement in Hunan" 
(March 1927), Selected Works, 
Vol. I, p. 28.* 

Chiang Kai-shek always tries to wrest 
every ounce of power and every ounce of 
gain from the people. And we? Our 
policy is to give him tit for tat and to fight 
for every inch of land. We act after his 
fashion. He always tries to impose war 
on the people, one sword in his left hand 
and another in his right. We take up 
swords, too, following his example. ... As 
Chiang Kai-shek is now sharpening his 
swords, we must sharpen ours too. 

"The Situation and Our Policy 
After the Victory in the War of 
Resistance Against Japan" 

(August 13, 1945), Selected Works, 
Vol. IV, pp. 14-15. 

Who are our enemies? Who are our 
friends? This is a question of the first im- 
portance for the revolution. The basic 



reason why all previous revolutionary 
struggles in China achieved so little was 
their failure to unite with real friends in 
order to attack real enemies. A revolu- 
tionary party is the guide of the masses, 
and no revolution ever succeeds when the 
revolutionary party leads them astray. To 
ensure that we will definitely achieve 
success in our revolution and will not lead 
the masses astray, we must pay attention 
to uniting with our real friends in order to 
attack our real enemies. To distinguish 
real friends from real enemies, we must 
make a general analysis of the economic 
status of the various classes in Chinese so- 
ciety and of their respective attitudes to- 
wards the revolution. 

"Analysis of the Classes in Chi- 
nese Society" (March 1926), Se- 
lected Works, Vol. I, p. 13. 

Our enemies are all those in league with 
imperialism — the warlords, the bureau- 
crats, the comprador class, the big landlord 
class and the reactionary section of the 
intelligentsia attached to them. The lead- 

13 



ing force in our revolution is the industrial 
proletariat. Our closest friends are the 
entire semi-proletariat and petty bour- 
geoisie. As for the vacillating middle 
bourgeoisie, their right-wing may become 
our enemy and their left-wing may become 
our friend — but we must be constantly on 
our guard and not let them create con- 
fusion within our ranks. 

Ibid., p. 19.* 

Whoever sides with the revolutionary 
people is a revolutionary. Whoever sides 
with imperialism, feudalism and bureaucrat- 
capitalism is a counter-revolutionary. Who- 
ever sides with the revolutionary people 
in words only but acts otherwise is a 
revolutionary in speech. Whoever sides 
with the revolutionary people in deed as 
well as in word is a revolutionary in the 
full sense. 

Closing speech at the Second 
Session of the First National 
Committee of the Chinese Peo- 
ple's Political Consultative Con 
erence (June 23, 1950). 

14 



I hold that it is bad as far as we are con- 
cerned if a person, a political party, an 
army or a school is not attacked by the 
enemy, for in that case it would definitely 
mean that we have sunk to the level of the 
enemy. It is good if we are attacked by the 
enemy, since it proves that we have drawn a 
clear line of demarcation between the 
enemy and ourselves. It is still better if the 
enemy attacks us wildly and paints us as 
utterly black and without a single virtue; it 
demonstrates that we have not only drawn 
a clear line of demarcation between the 
enemy and ourselves but achieved a great 
deal in our work. 

To Be Attacked by the Enemy Is 
Not a Bad Thing but a Good Thing 
(May 26, 1939), 1st pocket ed., p. 2.* 

We should support whatever the enemy 
opposes and oppose whatever the enemy 
supports. 

"Interview with Three Correspond- 
ents from the Central News Agency, 
the Sao Tang Pao and the Hsin 
Min Pao" (September 16, 1939), 
Selected Works, Vol. II, p. 272. 

15 



Our stand is that of the proletariat and 
of the masses. For members of the Com- 
munist Party, this means keeping to the 
stand of the Party, keeping to Party spirit 
and Party policy. 

"Talks at the Yenan Forum on 
Literature and Art" (May 1942), 
Selected Works, Vol. Ill, p. 70. 

After the enemies with guns have been 
wiped out, there will still be enemies with- 
out guns; they are bound to struggle des- 
perately against us, and we must never 
regard these enemies lightly. If we do not 
now raise and understand the problem in 
this way, we shall commit the gravest mis- 
takes. 

"Report to the Second Plenary 
Session of the Seventh Central 
Committee of the Communist 
Party of China" (March 5, 1949), 
Selected Works, Vol. IV, P- 364.* 

The imperialists and domestic reaction- 
aries will certainly not take their defeat 
lying down and they will struggle to the 

16 



last ditch. After there is peace and order 
throughout the country, they will still en- 
gage in sabotage and create disturbances in 
various ways and will try every day and 
every minute to stage a come-back. This 
is inevitable and beyond all doubt, and 
under no circumstances must we relax our 
vigilance. 

Opening address at the First 
Plenary Session of the Chinese 
People's Political Consultative 
Conference (September 21, 1949). 

In China, although in the main socialist 
transformation has been completed with 
respect to the system of ownership, and 
although the large-scale and turbulent class 
struggles of the masses characteristic of the 
previous revolutionary periods have in the 
main come to an end, there are still rem- 
nants of the overthrown landlord and com- 
prador classes, there is still a bourgeoisie, 
and the remoulding of the petty bourgeoisie 
has only just started. The class struggle is 
by no means over. The class struggle be- 
tween the proletariat and the bourgeoisie, 

17 



the class struggle between the different 
political forces, and the class struggle in the 
ideological held between the proletariat 
and the bourgeoisie will continue to be long 
and tortuous and at times will even be- 
come very acute. The proletariat seeks to 
transform the world according to its own 
world outlook, and so does the bourgeoisie. 
In this respect, the question of which will 
win out, socialism or capitalism, is still not 
really settled. 

On the Correct Handling of Con- 
tradictions Among the People 
(February 27, 1957), 1st pocket 
ed., pp. 51-52. 
[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 409.] 

It will take a fairly long period of time 
to decide the issue in the ideological strug- 
gle between socialism and capitalism in our 
country. The reason is that the influence of 
the bourgeoisie and of the intellectuals who 
come from the old society will remain in 
our country for a long time to come, and so 
will their class ideology. If this is not suffi- 
ciently understood, or is not understood at 



all, the gravest mistakes will be made and 
the necessity of waging the struggle in the 
ideological held will be ignored. 

Ibid., pp. 52-53. 

In our country bourgeois and petty-bour- 
geois ideology, anti-Marxist ideology, will 
continue to exist for a long time. Basically, 
the socialist system has been established in 
our country. We have won the basic vic- 
tory in transforming the ownership of the 
means of production, but we have not yet 
won complete victory on the political and 
ideological fronts. In the ideological field, 
the question of who will win in the struggle 
between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie 
has not been really settled yet. We still 
have to wage a protracted struggle against 
bourgeois and petty-bourgeois ideology. It 
is wrong not to understand this and to 
give up ideological struggle. All erroneous 
ideas, all poisonous weeds, all ghosts and 
monsters, must be subjected to criticism; in 
no circumstance should they be allowed to 
spread unchecked. However, the criticism 

19 



should be fully reasoned, analytical and 
convincing, and not rough, bureaucratic, 
metaphysical or dogmatic. 

Speech at the Chinese Communist 
Party's National Conference on 
Propaganda Work (March 12, 
1957), 1st pocket ed., pp. 26-27.* 
[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 434.] 

Both dogmatism and revisionism run 
counter to Marxism. Marxism must cer- 
tainly advance; it must develop along with 
the development of practice and cannot 
stand still. It would become lifeless if it 
remained stagnant and stereotyped. How- 
ever, the basic principles of Marxism 
must never be violated, or otherwise mis- 
takes will be made. It is dogmatism to 
approach Marxism from a metaphysical 
point of view and to regard it as something 
rigid. It is revisionism to negate the basic 
principles of Marxism and to negate its uni- 
versal truth. Revisionism is one form of 
bourgeois ideology. The revisionists deny 
the differences between socialism and capi- 
talism, between the dictatorship of the pro- 



letariat and the dictatorship of the bour- 
geoisie. What they advocate is in fact not 
the socialist line but the capitalist line. In 
present circumstances, revisionism is more 
pernicious than dogmatism. One of our 
current important tasks on the ideological 
front is to unfold criticism of revisionism. 

Ibid., pp. 27-28. 



Revisionism, or Right opportunism, is a 
bourgeois trend of thought that is even 
more dangerous than dogmatism. The re- 
visionists, the Right opportunists, pay lip- 
service to Marxism; they too attack 
"dogmatism". But what they are really at- 
tacking is the quintessence of Marxism. 
They oppose or distort materialism and 
dialectics, oppose or try to weaken the peo- 
ple's democratic dictatorship and the lead- 
ing role of the Communist Party, and 
oppose or try to weaken socialist trans- 
formation and socialist construction. After 
the basic victory of the socialist revolution 
in our country, there are still a number of 
people who vainly hope to restore the 



capitalist system and fight the working class 
on every front, including the ideological 
one. And their right-hand men in this 
struggle are the revisionists. 

On the Correct Handling of Con- 
tradictions Among the People 
(February 27, 1957), 1st pocket ed., 
pp. 56-57. 
[Selected Works, Vol. V, pp. 411-12.] 



III. SOCIALISM AND 
COMMUNISM 



Communism is at once a complete system 
of proletarian ideology and a new social 
system It is different from any other ide- 
ological and social system, and is the most 
complete, progressive, revolutionary and 
rational system in human history. The ide- 
ological and social system of feudalism has 
a place only in the museum of history. The 
ideological and social system of capitalism 
has also become a museum piece in one 
part of the world (in the Soviet Union), 
while in other countries it resembles "a 
dying person who is sinking fast, like the 
sun setting beyond the western hills", and 
will soon be relegated to the museum. The 
communist ideological and social system 
alone is full of youth and vitality, sweep- 



23 



ing the world with the momentum of an 
avalanche and the force of a thunderbolt. 

"On New Democracy" (January 
1940), Selected Works, Vol. II, 
pp. 360-61.* 



The socialist system will eventually 
replace the capitalist system; this is an 
objective law independent of man's will. 
However much the reactionaries try to 
hold back the wheel of history, sooner or 
later revolution will take place and will 
inevitably triumph. 

"Speech at the Meeting of the 
Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R. 
in Celebration of the 40th An- 
niversary of the Great October 
Socialist Revolution" (November 
6, 1957). 



We Communists never conceal our po- 
litical views. Definitely and beyond all 
doubt, our future or maximum programme 
is to carry China forward to socialism and 
communism. Both the name of our Party 

14 



and our Marxist world outlook unequivo- 
cally point to this supreme ideal of the 
future, a future of incomparable brightness 
and splendour. 

"On Coalition Government" 

(April 24, 1945), Selected Works, 
Vol. Ill, p. 282.* 

Taken as a whole, the Chinese revolu- 
tionary movement led by the Communist 
Party embraces the two stages, i.e., the 
democratic and the socialist revolutions, 
which are two essentially different revolu- 
tionary processes, and the second process 
can be carried through only after the 
first has been completed. The democratic 
revolution is the necessary preparation for 
the socialist revolution, and the socialist 
revolution is the inevitable sequel to the 
democratic revolution. The ultimate aim 
for which all communists strive is to bring 
about a socialist and communist society. 

"The Chinese Revolution and the 
Chinese Communist Party" (De- 
cember 1939), Selected Works, 
Vol. II, p. 330-31.* 



25 



Socialist revolution aims at liberating the 
productive forces. The change-over from 
individual to socialist, collective ownership 
in agriculture and handicrafts and from 
capitalist to socialist ownership in private 
industry and commerce is bound to bring 
about a tremendous liberation of the pro- 
ductive forces. Thus the social conditions 
are being created for a tremendous ex- 
pansion of industrial and agricultural pro- 
duction. 

Speech at the Supreme State 
Conference (January 25, 1956). 



We are now carrying out a revolution 
not only in the social system, the change 
from private to public ownership, but also 
in technology, the change from handi- 
craft to large-scale modern machine pro- 
duction, and the two revolutions are inter- 
connected. In agriculture, with conditions 
as they are in our country co-operation must 
precede the use of big machinery (in capi- 
talist countries agriculture develops in a 

26 



capitalist way). Therefore we must on no 
account regard industry and agriculture, 
socialist industrialization and the socialist 
transformation of agriculture as two sep- 
arate and isolated things, and on no 
account must we emphasize the one and 
play down the other. 

On the Question of Agricultural 
Co-operation (July 31, 1955), 3rd 
ed., pp. 19-20. 
[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 197.] 

The new social system has only just been 
established and requires time for its con- 
solidation. It must not be assumed that 
the new system can be completely consol- 
idated the moment it is established, for 
that is impossible. It has to be consoli- 
dated step by step. To achieve its ulti- 
mate consolidation, it is necessary not only 
to bring about the socialist industrialization 
of the country and persevere in the socialist 
revolution on the economic front, but to 
carry on constant and arduous socialist rev- 
olutionary struggles and socialist education 
on the political and ideological fronts. 

27 



Moreover, various contributory international 
factors are required. 

Speech at the Chinese Communist 
Party's National Conference on 
Propaganda Work (March 12, 
1957), 1st pocket ed., p. 2.* 
[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 423.] 

In China the struggle to consolidate the 
socialist system, the struggle to decide 
whether socialism or capitalism will pre- 
vail, will still take a long historical period. 
But we should all realize that the new 
system of socialism will unquestionably be 
consolidated. We can assuredly build a 
socialist state with modern industry, mod- 
ern agriculture, and modern science and 
culture. 

Ibid., pp. 2-3. 

The number of intellectuals who are hos- 
tile to our state is very small. They do 
not like our state, i.e., the dictatorship of 
the proletariat, and yearn for the old so- 
ciety. Whenever there is an opportunity 
they will stir up trouble and attempt to 
overthrow the Communist Party and re- 



store the old China. As between the pro- 
letarian and the bourgeois roads, as be- 
tween the socialist and the capitalist roads, 
these people stubbornly choose to follow 
the latter. In fact this road is impossible, 
and in fact, therefore, they are ready to 
capitulate to imperialism, feudalism and 
bureaucrat-capitalism. Such people are to 
be found in political circles and in indus- 
trial and commercial, cultural and educa- 
tional, scientific and technological and 
religious circles, and they are extremely 
reactionary. 

Ibid., pp. 3-4. 

The serious problem is the education 
of the peasantry. The peasant economy 
is scattered, and the socialization of agri- 
culture, judging by the Soviet Union's 
experience, will require a long time and 
painstaking work. Without socialization of 
agriculture, there can be no complete, con- 
solidated socialism. 

"On the People's Democratic 
Dictatorship" (June 30, 1949), 
Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 419. 

29 



We must have faith, first, that the peas- 
ant masses are ready to advance step by 
step along the road of socialism under the 
leadership of the Party, and second, that 
the Party is capable of leading the peasants 
along this road. These two points are the 
essence of the matter, the main current. 

On the Question of Agricultural 
Co-operation (July 31, 1955), 3rd 
ed., p. 18.* 
[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 196.] 

The leading bodies in co-operatives must 
establish the dominant position of the poor 
peasants and the new lower middle peas- 
ants in these bodies, with the old lower 
middle peasants and the upper middle peas- 
ants — whether old or new — as the sup- 
plementary force. Only thus can unity 
between the poor and middle peasants be 
attained, the co-operatives be consolidated, 
production be expanded and the socialist 
transformation of the entire countryside be 
correctly accomplished in accordance with 
the Party's policy. Otherwise, unity between 
the middle and poor peasants cannot be 
attained, the co-operatives cannot be con- 

3° 



solidated, production cannot be expanded, 
and the socialist transformation of the en- 
tire countryside cannot be achieved. 

Introductory note to "How Con- 
trol of the Wutang Co-operative 
Shifted from the Middle to the 
Poor Peasants" (1955), The So- 
cialist Upsurge in China's Coun- 
tryside, Chinese ed., Vol. II. 
[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 254.] 

It is essential to unite with the middle 
peasants, and it is wrong not to do so. But 
on whom must the working class and the 
Communist Party rely in the countryside in 
order to unite with the middle peasants 
and realize the socialist transformation of 
the entire countryside? Surely on none other 
than the poor peasants. That was the case 
when the struggle against the landlords was 
being waged and the land reform was being 
carried out, and that is the case today 
when the struggle against the rich peasants 
and other capitalist elements is being waged 
to achieve the socialist transformation of 
agriculture. In both these revolutionary 
periods, the middle peasants wavered in 

31 



the initial stages. It is only after they clearly 
see the general trend of events and the ap- 
proaching triumph of the revolution that the 
middle peasants will come in on the side 
of the revolution. The poor peasants must 
work on the middle peasants and win them 
over, so that the revolution will broaden 
from day to day until final victory. 

Introductory note to "The Les- 
son of the 'Middle-Peasant Co- 
operative' and the 'Poor-Peasant 
Co-operative' in Fuan County" 
(1955), The Socialist Upsurge in 
China's Countryside, Chinese ed., 
Vol. II. 
[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 257.] 

There is a serious tendency towards 
capitalism among the well-to-do peasants. 
This tendency will become rampant if we 
in the slightest way neglect political work 
among the peasants during the co-operative 
movement and for a very long period after. 

Introductory note to "A Res- 
olute Struggle Must Be Waged 
Against the Tendency Towards 
Capitalism" (1955). The Socialist 
Upsurge in China's Countryside, 
Chinese ed., Vol. I. 
[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 261.] 

32 



The agricultural co-operative movement 
has been a severe ideological and political 
struggle from the very beginning. No co- 
operative can be established without going 
through such a struggle. Before a brand-new 
social system can be built on the site of 
the old, the site must be swept clean. 
Invariably, remnants of old ideas reflecting 
the old system remain in people's minds 
for a long time, and they do not easily give 
way. After a co-operative is established, it 
must go through many more struggles be- 
fore it can be consolidated. Even then, 
the moment it relaxes its efforts it may 
collapse. 

Introductory note to "A Serious 
Lesson" (1955), The Socialist 
Upsurge in China's Countryside, 
Chinese ed., Vol. I. 
[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 260.] 

The spontaneous forces of capitalism have 
been steadily growing in the countryside 
in recent years, with new rich peasants 
springing up everywhere and many well- 
to-do middle peasants striving to become 
rich peasants. On the other hand, many poor 
peasants are still living in poverty for lack 

33 



of sufficient means of production, with some 
in debt and others selling or renting out 
their land. If this tendency goes unchecked, 
the polarization in the countryside will 
inevitably be aggravated day by day. Those 
peasants who lose their land and those who 
remain in poverty will complain that we are 
doing nothing to save them from ruin or to 
help them overcome their difficulties. Nor 
will the well-to-do middle peasants who are 
heading in the capitalist direction be pleased 
with us, for we shall never be able to satisfy 
their demands unless we intend to take the 
capitalist road. Can the worker-peasant 
alliance continue to stand firm in these 
circumstances? Obviously not. There is 
no solution to this problem except on a 
new basis. And that means to bring about, 
step by step, the socialist transformation 
of the whole of agriculture simultaneously 
with the gradual realization of socialist 
industrialization and the socialist transfor- 
mation of handicrafts and capitalist industry 
and commerce; in other words, it means to 
carry out co-operation and eliminate the 
rich-peasant economy and the individual 

34 



economy in the countryside so that all the 
rural people will become increasingly well 
off together. We maintain that this is the 
only way to consolidate the worker-peasant 
alliance. 

On the Question of Agricultural 

Co-operation (July 31, 1955), 3rd 

ed., pp. 26-27.* 

[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 201-202.] 

By overall planning we mean planning 
which takes into consideration the interests 
of the 600 million people of our country. 
In drawing up plans, handling affairs or 
thinking over problems, we must proceed 
from the fact that China has a population 
of 600 million people, and we must never 
forget this fact. 

On the Correct Handling of Con- 
tradictions Among the People 
(February 27, 1957), 1st pocket ed., 

P- 47- 

[Selected Works, Vol. V, P- 4°7-] 

In addition to the leadership of the Party, 
a decisive factor is our population of 600 
million. More people mean a greater fer- 
ment of ideas, more enthusiasm and more 
energy. Never before have the masses of 

35 



the people been so inspired, so militant 
and so daring as at present. 

"Introducing a Co-operative" 
(April 15, 1958). 

Apart from their other characteristics, 
the outstanding thing about China's 600 
million people is that they are "poor and 
blank". This may seem a bad thing, but 
in reality it is a good thing. Poverty gives 
rise to the desire for change, the desire for 
action and the desire for revolution. On a 
blank sheet of paper free from any mark, 
the freshest and most beautiful characters 
can be written, the freshest and most beau- 
tiful pictures can be painted. 

Ibid. 

After the country-wide victory of the 
Chinese revolution and the solution of the 
land problem, two basic contradictions will 
still exist in China. The first is internal, 
that is, the contradiction between the work- 
ing class and the bourgeoisie. The second 
is external, that is, the contradiction be- 
tween China and the imperialist countries. 

36 



Consequently, after the victory of the peo- 
ple's democratic revolution, the state power 
of the people's republic under the leader- 
ship of the working class must not be weak- 
ened but must be strengthened. 

"Report to the Second Plenary 
Session of the Seventh Central 
Committee of the Communist 
Party of China" (March 5, 1949), 
Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 369. 

"Don't you want to abolish state power?" 
Yes, we do, but not right now; we cannot 
do it yet. Why? Because imperialism still 
exists, because domestic reaction still exists, 
because classes still exist in our country. 
Our present task is to strengthen the peo- 
ple's state apparatus — mainly the people's 
army, the people's police and the people's 
courts — in order to consolidate national 
defence and protect the people's interests. 

"On the People's Democratic 
Dictatorship" (June 30, 1949), Se- 
lected Works, Vol. IV, p. 418. 

Our state is a people's democratic dic- 
tatorship led by the working class and based 

37 



on the worker-peasant alliance. What is 
this dictatorship for? Its first function is 
to suppress the reactionary classes and ele- 
ments and those exploiters in our country 
who resist the socialist revolution, to sup- 
press those who try to wreck our socialist 
construction, or in other words, to resolve 
the internal contradictions between our- 
selves and the enemy. For instance, to 
arrest, try and sentence certain counter- 
revolutionaries, and to deprive land- 
lords and bureaucrat-capitalists of their 
right to vote and their freedom of speech 
for a specified period of time — all this 
comes within the scope of our dictatorship. 
To maintain public order and safeguard 
the interests of the people, it is likewise 
necessary to exercise dictatorship over em- 
bezzlers, swindlers, arsonists, murderers, 
criminal gangs and other scoundrels who 
seriously disrupt public order. The second 
function of this dictatorship is to protect 
our country from subversion and possible 
aggression by external enemies. In that 
event, it is the task of this dictatorship 
to resolve the external contradiction be- 



tween ourselves and the enemy. The aim of 
this dictatorship is to protect all our peo- 
ple so that they can devote themselves to 
peaceful labour and build China into a so- 
cialist country with a modern industry, 
agriculture, science and culture. 

On the Correct Handling of Con- 
tradictions Among the People 
(February 27, 1957), 1st pocket 
ed., pp. 6-7. 
[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 387.] 

The people's democratic dictatorship 
needs the leadership of the working class. 
For it is only the working class that is most 
far-sighted, most selfless and most thor- 
oughly revolutionary. The entire history of 
revolution proves that without the leader- 
ship of the working class revolution fails 
and that with the leadership of the working 
class revolution triumphs. 

"On the People's Democratic 
Dictatorship" (June 30, 1949), 
Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 421. 

The people's democratic dictatorship is 
based on the alliance of the working class, 
the peasantry and the urban petty bour- 

39 



geoisie, and mainly on the alliance of the 
workers and the peasants, because these 
two classes comprise 80 to 90 per cent of 
China's population. These two classes are 
the main force in overthrowing imperialism 
and the Kuomintang reactionaries. The tran- 
sition from New Democracy to socialism 
also depends mainly upon their alliance. 

Ibid. 

Class struggle, the struggle for production 
and scientific experiment are the three great 
revolutionary movements for building a 
mighty socialist country. These movements 
are a sure guarantee that Communists will 
be free from bureaucracy and immune 
against revisionism and dogmatism, and 
will for ever remain invincible. They are a 
reliable guarantee that the proletariat will 
be able to unite with the broad working 
masses and realize a democratic dicta- 
torship. If, in the absence of these move- 
ments, the landlords, rich peasants, counter- 
revolutionaries, bad elements and ogres 
of all kinds were allowed to crawl out, 



40 



while our cadres were to shut their eyes to 
all this and in many cases fail even to 
differentiate between the enemy and our- 
selves but were to collaborate with the 
enemy and were corrupted, divided and 
demoralized by him, if our cadres were thus 
pulled out or the enemy were able to sneak 
in, and if many of our workers, peasants, 
and intellectuals were left defenceless 
against both the soft and the hard tactics 
of the enemy, then it would not take long, 
perhaps only several years or a decade, or 
several decades at most, before a counter- 
revolutionary restoration on a national 
scale inevitably occurred, the Marxist- 
Leninist party would undoubtedly become a 
revisionist party or a fascist party, and the 
whole of China would change its colour. 

Note on "The Seven Well- 
Written Documents of Chekiang 
Province Concerning Cadres' 
Participation in Physical La- 
bour" (May 9, 1963), quoted in 
On Khrushchov' s Phoney Com- 
munism and Its Historical Les- 
sons for the World, pp. 71-72.* 



41 



The people's democratic dictatorship 
uses two methods. Towards the enemy, it 
uses the method of dictatorship, that is, 
for as long a period of time as is necessary 
it does not let them take part in political 
activities and compels them to obey the 
law of the People's Government and to 
engage in labour and, through labour, 
transform themselves into new men. To- 
wards the people, on the contrary, it uses 
the method not of compulsion but of 
democracy, that is, it must necessarily let 
them take part in political activities and 
does not compel them to do this or that, 
but uses the method of democracy in edu- 
cating and persuading them. 

Closing speech at the Second 
Session of the First National 
Committee of the Chinese Peo- 
ple's Political Consultative Con- 
ference (June 23, 1950). 

Under the leadership of the Communist 
Party, the Chinese people are carrying out 
a vigorous rectification movement in order 
to bring about the rapid development of 



42 



socialism in China on a firmer basis. It is 
a movement for carrying out a nation-wide 
debate which is both guided and free, a 
debate in the city and the countryside on 
such questions as the socialist road versus 
the capitalist road, the basic system of the 
state and its major policies, the working 
style of Party and government function- 
aries, and the question of the welfare of the 
people, a debate which is conducted by 
setting forth facts and reasoning things out, 
so as correctly to resolve those actual con- 
tradictions among the people which demand 
immediate solution. This is a socialist 
movement for the self-education and self- 
remoulding of the people. 

"Speech at the Meeting of the 
Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R. 
in Celebration of the 40th An- 
niversary of the Great October 
Socialist Revolution" (November 
6, 1957)- 

Most arduous tasks lie ahead of us 
in the great work of construction. Al- 
though there are over 10 million mem- 



43 



bers in our Party, they still constitute a very 
small minority of the country's population. 
In government departments and public 
organizations and enterprises much work 
has to be done by non-Party people. It is 
impossible to get this work well done unless 
we are good at relying on the masses and 
co-operating with non-Party people. While 
continuing to strengthen the unity of the 
whole Party, we must also continue to 
strengthen the unity of all our nationalities, 
democratic classes, democratic parties and 
people's organizations, and to consolidate 
and expand the people's democratic united 
front, and we must conscientiously get rid of 
every unhealthy manifestation in any link 
in our work that is detrimental to the unity 
between the Party and the people. 

"Opening Address at the Eighth 
National Congress of the Com- 
munist Party of China" (Septem- 
ber 15, 1956). 



44 



IV. THE CORRECT 

HANDLING OF 

CONTRADICTIONS AMONG 

THE PEOPLE 



We are confronted by two types of social 
contradictions — those between ourselves 
and the enemy and those among the peo- 
ple themselves. The two are totally differ- 
ent in their nature. 

On the Correct Handling of Con- 
tradictions Among the People 
(February 27, 1957), 1st pocket ed., 
p. 2. 
[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 384.] 

To understand these two different types 
of contradictions correctly, we must first 
be clear on what is meant by "the people" 
and what is meant by "the enemy". ... At 
the present stage, the period of building 

45 



socialism, the classes, strata and social 
groups which favour, support and work for 
the cause of socialist construction all come 
within the category of the people, while 
the social forces and groups which resist 
the socialist revolution and are hostile to 
or sabotage socialist construction are all 
enemies of the people. 

Ibid., pp. 2-3. 

In the conditions prevailing in China 
today, the contradictions among the people 
comprise the contradictions within the work- 
ing class, the contradictions within the 
peasantry, the contradictions within the 
intelligentsia, the contradictions between 
the working class and the peasantry, the 
contradictions between the workers and 
peasants on the one hand and the intellec- 
tuals on the other, the contradictions be- 
tween the working class and other sections 
of the working people on the one hand and 
the national bourgeoisie on the other, the 
contradictions within the national bour- 
geoisie, and so on. Our People's Govern- 
ment is one that genuinely represents the 

46 



people's interests, it is a government that 
serves the people. Nevertheless, there are 
still certain contradictions between the gov- 
ernment and the people. These include 
contradictions among the interests of the 
state, the interests of the collective and 
the interests of the individual; between 
democracy and centralism; between the 
leadership and the led; and the contradic- 
tion arising from the bureaucratic style of 
work of certain government workers in their 
relations with the masses. All these are also 
contradictions among the people. General- 
ly speaking, the people's basic identity of 
interests underlies the contradictions among 
the people. 

Ibid., pp. 3-4. 

The contradictions between ourselves and 
the enemy are antagonistic contradictions. 
Within the ranks of the people, the con- 
tradictions among the working people are 
non-antagonistic, while those between the 
exploited and the exploiting classes have a 
non-antagonistic aspect in addition to an 
antagonistic aspect. 

Ibid., p. 3. 

47 



In the political life of our people, how 
should right be distinguished from wrong 
in one's words and actions? On the basis 
of the principles of our Constitution, the 
will of the overwhelming majority of our 
people and the common political positions 
which have been proclaimed on various 
occasions by our political parties and 
groups, we consider that, broadly speak- 
ing, the criteria should be as follows: 

(i) Words and actions should help to 

unite, and not divide, the people of our 

various nationalities. 

(2) They should be beneficial, and 
not harmful, to socialist transformation 
and socialist construction. 

(3) They should help to consolidate, 
and not undermine or weaken, the peo- 
ple's democratic dictatorship. 

(4) They should help to consolidate, 
and not undermine or weaken, demo- 
cratic centralism. 

(5) They should help to strengthen, 
and not discard or weaken, the leader- 
ship of the Communist Party. 

48 



(6) They should be beneficial, and 

not harmful, to international socialist 

unity and the unity of the peace-loving 

people of the world. 

Of these six criteria, the most important are 

the socialist path and the leadership of the 

Party. 

Ibid., pp. 57-58. 

The question of suppressing counter- 
revolutionaries is one of a struggle between 
ourselves and the enemy, a contradiction be- 
tween ourselves and the enemy. Among the 
people, there are some who see this question 
in a somewhat different light. Two kinds of 
persons hold views different from ours. 
Those with a Rightist way of thinking make 
no distinction between ourselves and the 
enemy and take the enemy for our own peo- 
ple. They regard as friends the very persons 
whom the broad masses regard as enemies. 
Those with a "Left" way of thinking 
magnify contradictions between ourselves 
and the enemy to such an extent that they 
take certain contradictions among the peo- 
ple for contradictions with the enemy and 

49 



regard as counter-revolutionaries persons 
who are not really counter-revolutionaries. 
Both these views are wrong. Neither can 
lead to the correct handling of the question 
of suppressing counter-revolutionaries or 
to a correct assessment of this work. 

Ibid., p. 25. 

Qualitatively different contradictions can 
only be resolved by qualitatively different 
methods. For instance, the contradiction 
between the proletariat and the bourgeoisie 
is resolved by the method of socialist rev- 
olution; the contradiction between the great 
masses of the people and the feudal sys- 
tem is resolved by the method of democrat- 
ic revolution; the contradiction between 
the colonies and imperialism is resolved 
by the method of national revolutionary 
war; the contradiction between the working 
class and the peasant class in socialist so- 
ciety is resolved by the method of collec- 
tivization and mechanization in agriculture; 
contradiction within the Communist Party 
is resolved by the method of criticism and 
self-criticism; the contradiction between 

5° 



society and nature is resolved by the meth- 
od of developing the productive forces. 
. . . The principle of using different meth- 
ods to resolve different contradictions is one 
which Marxist-Leninists must strictly ob- 
serve. 

"On Contradiction" (August 1937), 
Selected Works, Vol. I, p. 321- 

22. 

Since they are different in nature, the 
contradictions between ourselves and the 
enemy and the contradictions among the 
people must be resolved by different 
methods. To put it briefly, the former are 
a matter of drawing a clear distinction 
between ourselves and the enemy, and the 
latter a matter of drawing a clear distinc- 
tion between right and wrong. It is, of 
course, true that the distinction between 
ourselves and the enemy is also a matter of 
right and wrong. For example, the question 
of who is in the right, we or the domestic 
and foreign reactionaries, the imperial- 
ists, the feudalists and bureaucrat-capital- 
ists, is also a matter of right and wrong, 

51 



but it is in a different category from ques- 
tions of right and wrong among the peo- 
ple. 

On the Correct Handling of Con- 
tradictions Among the People 
(February 27, 1957), 1st pocket ed., 
pp. 5-6. 
[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 386.] 

The only way to settle questions of an 
ideological nature or controversial issues 
among the people is by the democratic 
method, the method of discussion, of criti- 
cism, of persuasion and education, and not 
by the method of coercion or repression. 

Ibid., p. 11. 

To be able to carry on their production 
and studies effectively and to arrange their 
lives properly, the people want their govern- 
ment and those in charge of production and 
of cultural and educational organizations 
to issue appropriate orders of an obligatory 
nature. It is common sense that the main- 
tenance of public order would be impos- 
sible without such administrative regula- 



52 



tions. Administrative orders and the 
method of persuasion and education com- 
plement each other in resolving contradic- 
tions among the people. Even administra- 
tive regulations for the maintenance of 
public order must be accompanied by per- 
suasion and education, for in many cases 
regulations alone will not work. 

Ibid., pp. 11-12. 

Inevitably, the bourgeoisie and petty 
bourgeoisie will give expression to their 
own ideologies. Inevitably, they will stub- 
bornly express themselves on political and 
ideological questions by every possible 
means. You cannot expect them to do 
otherwise. We should not use the method 
of suppression and prevent them from ex- 
pressing themselves, but should allow them 
to do so and at the same time argue with 
them and direct appropriate criticism at 
them. We must undoubtedly criticize 
wrong ideas of every description. It cer- 
tainly would not be right to refrain from 
criticism, look on while wrong ideas spread 

53 



unchecked and allow them to monopolize 
the field. Mistakes must be criticized and 
poisonous weeds fought wherever they crop 
up. However, such criticism should not be 
dogmatic, and the metaphysical method 
should not be used, but efforts should be 
made to apply the dialectical method. What 
is needed is scientific analysis and convinc- 
ing argument. 

Ibid., pp. 55-56. 

To criticize the people's shortcomings is 
necessary, . . . but in doing so we must 
truly take the stand of the people and 
speak out of whole-hearted eagerness to 
protect and educate them. To treat com- 
rades like enemies is to go over to the 
stand of the enemy. 

"Talks at the Yenan Forum on 
Literature and Art" (May 1942), 
Selected Works, Vol. Ill, p. 92. 

Contradiction and struggle are universal 
and absolute, but the methods of resolving 
contradictions, that is, the forms of strug- 
gle, differ according to the differences in 

54 



the nature of the contradictions. Some 
contradictions are characterized by open 
antagonism, others are not. In accordance 
with the concrete development of things, 
some contradictions which were originally 
non-antagonistic develop into antagonistic 
ones, while others which were originally an- 
tagonistic develop into non-antagonistic 
ones. 

"On Contradiction" (August 

1937), Selected Works, Vol. I, 
P- 344- 

In ordinary circumstances, contradictions 
among the people are not antagonistic. But 
if they are not handled properly, or if we 
relax our vigilance and lower our guard, 
antagonism may arise. In a socialist country, 
a development of this kind is usually only 
a localized and temporary phenomenon. 
The reason is that the system of exploitation 
of man by man has been abolished and the 
interests of the people are basically the same. 

On the Correct Handling of Con- 
tradictions Among the People 
(February 27, 1957), 1st pocket ed., 
p. 14. 
[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 391.] 

55 



In our country, the contradiction between 
the working class and the national bour- 
geoisie belongs to the category of contradic- 
tions among the people. By and large, the 
class struggle between the two is a class 
struggle within the ranks of the people, be- 
cause the Chinese national bourgeoisie has 
a dual character. In the period of the bour- 
geois-democratic revolution, it had both a 
revolutionary and a conciliationist side to 
its character. In the period of the socialist 
revolution, exploitation of the working class 
for profit constitutes one side of the char- 
acter of the national bourgeoisie, while its 
support of the Constitution and its willing- 
ness to accept socialist transformation con- 
stitute the other. The national bourgeoisie 
differs from the imperialists, the landlords 
and the bureaucrat-capitalists. The contra- 
diction between the national bourgeoisie 
and the working class is one between the 
exploiter and the exploited, and is by na- 
ture antagonistic. But in the concrete 
conditions of China, this antagonistic class 
contradiction can, if properly handled, be 
transformed into a non-antagonistic one and 

56 



be resolved by peaceful methods. However, 
it will change into a contradiction between 
ourselves and the enemy if we do not 
handle it properly and do not follow the 
policy of uniting with, criticizing and 
educating the national bourgeoisie, or if the 
national bourgeoisie does not accept this 
policy of ours. 

Ibid., pp. 4-5. 

It [the counter-revolutionary rebellion in 
Hungary in 1956] was a case of reactionaries 
inside a socialist country, in league with the 
imperialists, attempting to achieve their 
conspiratorial aims by taking advantage of 
contradictions among the people to foment 
dissension and stir up disorder. This lesson 
of the Hungarian events merits attention. 

Ibid., p. 15. 



57 



V. WAR AND PEACE 



War is the highest form of struggle for 
resolving contradictions, when they have 
developed to a certain stage, between 
classes, nations, states, or political groups, 
and it has existed ever since the emergence 
of private property and of classes. 

"Problems of Strategy in China's 
Revolutionary War" (December 
1936), Selected Works, Vol. I, 
p. 180. 

"War is the continuation of politics." In 
this sense war is politics and war itself is 
a political action; since ancient times there 
has never been a war that did not have a 
political character. . . . 

But war has its own particular character- 
istics and in this sense it cannot be equated 



with politics in general. "War is the con- 
tinuation of politics by other . . . means." 
When politics develops to a certain stage 
beyond which it cannot proceed by the usual 
means, war breaks out to sweep the obstacles 
from the way. . . . When the obstacle is 
removed and our political aim attained, 
the war will stop. But if the obstacle is 
not completely swept away, the war will 
have to continue till the aim is fully accom- 
plished. ... It can therefore be said that 
politics is war without bloodshed while war 
is politics with bloodshed. 

"On Protracted War" (May 
1938), Selected Works, Vol. II, 
pp. 152-53.* 

History shows that wars are divided into 
two kinds, just and unjust. All wars that 
are progressive are just, and all wars that 
impede progress are unjust. We Commu- 
nists oppose all unjust wars that impede 
progress, but we do not oppose progressive, 
just wars. Not only do we Communists not 
oppose just wars, we actively participate in 

59 



them. As for unjust wars, World War I 
is an instance in which both sides fought 
for imperialist interests; therefore the Com- 
munists of the whole world firmly opposed 
that war. The way to oppose a war of this 
kind is to do everything possible to prevent 
it before it breaks out and, once it breaks 
out, to oppose war with war, to oppose 
unjust war with just war, whenever possible. 

Ibid., p. 150. 

Revolutions and revolutionary wars are 
inevitable in class society and without 
them, it is impossible to accomplish any 
leap in social development and to over- 
throw the reactionary ruling classes and 
therefore impossible for the people to win 
political power. 

"On Contradiction" (August 

1937), Selected Works, Vol. I, 
p. 344.* 

Revolutionary war is an antitoxin which 
not only eliminates the enemy's poison but 
also purges us of our own filth. Every just, 



60 



revolutionary war is endowed with tre- 
mendous power and can transform many 
things or clear the way for their transfor- 
mation. The Sino-Japanese war will trans- 
form both China and Japan; provided 
China perseveres in the War of Resistance 
and in the united front, the old Japan will 
surely be transformed into a new Japan and 
the old China into a new China, and people 
and everything else in both China and 
Japan will be transformed during and after 
the war. 

"On Protracted War" (May 1938), 
Selected Works, Vol. II, p. 131.* 

Every Communist must grasp the truth, 
"Political power grows out of the barrel 
of a gun." 

"Problems of War and Strategy" 
(November 6, 1936), Selected 
Works, Vol. II, p. 224. 

The seizure of power by armed force, the 
settlement of the issue by war, is the central 
task and the highest form of revolution. 

61 



This Marxist-Leninist principle of revolu- 
tion holds good universally, for China and 
for all other countries. 

Ibid., p. 219. 

Without armed struggle neither the pro- 
letariat, nor the people, nor the Communist 
Party would have any standing at all in 
China and it would be impossible for 
the revolution to triumph. In these years 
[the eighteen years since the founding of 
the Party] the development, consolidation 
and bolshevization of our Party have pro- 
ceeded in the midst of revolutionary wars; 
without armed struggle the Communist Party 
would assuredly not be what it is today. 
Comrades throughout the Party must never 
forget this experience for which we have 
paid in blood. 

"Introducing The Communist" 
(October 4, 1939), Selected 
Works, Vol. II, p. 292.* 

According to the Marxist theory of the 
state, the army is the chief component of 
state power. Whoever wants to seize and 



62 



retain state power must have a strong army. 
Some people ridicule us as advocates of 
the "omnipotence of war". Yes, we are 
advocates of the omnipotence of revolu- 
tionary war; that is good, not bad, it is 
Marxist. The guns of the Russian Com- 
munist Party created socialism. We shall 
create a democratic republic. Experience in 
the class struggle in the era of imperialism 
teaches us that it is only by the power of 
the gun that the working class and the la- 
bouring masses can defeat the armed bour- 
geoisie and landlords; in this sense we 
may say that only with guns can the whole 
world be transformed. 

"Problems of War and Strategy" 
(November 6, 1938), Selected 
Works, Vol. II, p. 225. 

We are advocates of the abolition of war, 
we do not want war; but war can only be 
abolished through war, and in order to get 
rid of the gun it is necessary to take up the 
gun. 

Ibid. 



63 



War, this monster of mutual slaughter 
among men, will be finally eliminated by 
the progress of human society, and in the 
not too distant future too. But there is only 
one way to eliminate it and that is to 
oppose war with war, to oppose counter- 
revolutionary war with revolutionary war, to 
oppose national counter-revolutionary war 
with national revolutionary war, and to 
oppose counter-revolutionary class war with 
revolutionary class war. . . . When hu- 
man society advances to the point where 
classes and states are eliminated, there will 
be no more wars, counter-revolutionary or 
revolutionary, unjust or just; that will be 
the era of perpetual peace for mankind. Our 
study of the laws of revolutionary war 
springs from the desire to eliminate all wars; 
herein lies the distinction between us Com- 
munists and all the exploiting classes. 

"Problems of Strategy in China's 
Revolutionary War" (December 
1936), Selected Works, Vol. I, 
pp. 182-83. 



64 



Our country and all the other socialist 
countries want peace; so do the peoples of 
all the countries of the world. The only 
ones who crave war and do not want peace 
are certain monopoly capitalist groups in 
a handful of imperialist countries which 
depend on aggression for their profits. 

"Opening Address at the Eighth 
National Congress of the Com- 
munist Party of China" (Septem- 
ber 15, 1956). 

To achieve a lasting world peace, we 
must further develop our friendship and 
co-operation with the fraternal countries in 
the socialist camp and strengthen our soli- 
darity with all peace-loving countries. We 
must endeavour to establish normal diplo- 
matic relations, on the basis of mutual re- 
spect for territorial integrity and sovereignty 
and of equality and mutual benefit, with 
all countries willing to live together with 
us in peace. We must give active support 
to the national independence and libera- 
tion movement in countries in Asia, Africa 



65 



and Latin America as well as to the peace 
movement and to just struggles in all the 
countries of the world. 

Ibid. 

As for the imperialist countries, we should 
unite with their peoples and strive to co- 
exist peacefully with those countries, do 
business with them and prevent any possible 
war, but under no circumstances should we 
harbour any unrealistic notions about them. 

On the Correct Handling of Con- 
tradictions Among the People 
(February 27, 1957), 1st pocket ed., 

P- 75- 

[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 421.] 

We desire peace. However, if imperial- 
ism insists on fighting a war, we will have 
no alternative but to take the firm resolu- 
tion to fight to the finish before going ahead 
with our construction. If you are afraid 
of war day in day out, what will you do 
if war eventually comes? First I said that 
the East Wind is prevailing over the West 
Wind and war will not break out, and now 

66 



I have added these explanations about the 
situation in case war should break out. Both 
possibilities have thus been taken into 
account. 

Speech at the Moscow Meeting 
of Communist and Workers' 
Parties (November 18, 1957), 
quoted in "Statement by the 
Spokesman of the Chinese Gov- 
ernment" (September I, 1963).* 

People all over the world are now discuss- 
ing whether or not a third world war will 
break out. On this question, too, we must 
be mentally prepared and do some analysis. 
We stand firmly for peace and against war. 
But if the imperialists insist on unleashing 
another war, we should not be afraid of it. 
Our attitude on this question is the same 
as our attitude towards any disturbance: 
first, we are against it; second, we are not 
afraid of it. The First World War was 
followed by the birth of the Soviet Union 
with a population of 200 million. The 
Second World War was followed by the 
emergence of the socialist camp with a 

67 



combined population of 900 million. If 
the imperialists insist on launching a third 
world war, it is certain that several hundred 
million more will turn to socialism, and 
then there will not be much room left on 
earth for the imperialists; it is also likely 
that the whole structure of imperialism will 
utterly collapse. 

On the Correct Handling of Con- 
tradictions Among the People 
(February 27, 1957), 1st pocket ed., 
pp. 67-68. 
[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 417.] 

Make trouble, fail, make trouble again, 
fail again . . . till their doom; that is the 
logic of the imperialists and all reactionaries 
the world over in dealing with the peo- 
ple's cause, and they will never go against 
this logic. This is a Marxist law. When 
we say "imperialism is ferocious", we mean 
that its nature will never change, that the 
imperialists will never lay down their 
butcher knives, that they will never become 
Buddhas, till their doom. 

Fight, fail, fight again, fail again, fight 
again . . . till their victory; that is the 

68 



logic of the people, and they too will never 
go against this logic. This is another Marx- 
ist law. The Russian people's revolution 
followed this law, and so has the Chinese 
people's revolution. 

"Cast Away Illusions, Prepare 
for Struggle" (August 14, 1949), 
Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 428. 

Just because we have won victory, we 
must never relax our vigilance against the 
frenzied plots for revenge by the imperial- 
ists and their running dogs. Whoever re- 
laxes vigilance will disarm himself political- 
ly and land himself in a passive position. 

"Address to the Preparatory 
Committee of the New Political 
Consultative Conference" (June 
15, 1949), Selected Works, Vol. 
IV, p. 407. 

The imperialists and their running dogs, 
the Chinese reactionaries, will not resign 
themselves to defeat in this land of China. 
They will continue to gang up against the 

69 



Chinese people in every possible way. For 
example, they will smuggle their agents into 
China to sow dissension and make trouble. 
That is certain; they will never neglect these 
activities. To take another example, the 
imperialists will incite the Chinese re- 
actionaries, and even throw in their own 
forces, to blockade China's ports. They will 
do this as long as it is possible. Further- 
more, if they still hanker after adventures, 
they will send some of their troops to in- 
vade and harass China's frontiers; this, too, 
is not impossible. All this we must take 
fully into account. 

Ibid.* 

The world is progressing, the future is 
bright and no one can change this general 
trend of history. We should carry on con- 
stant propaganda among the people on the 
facts of world progress and the bright fu- 
ture ahead so that they will build their con- 
fidence in victory. 

"On the Chungking Negotiations" 
(October 17, 1945), Selected 
Works, Vol. IV, p. 59. 

70 



The commanders and fighters of the en- 
tire Chinese People's Liberation Army ab- 
solutely must not relax in the least their 
will to fight; any thinking that relaxes the 
will to fight and belittles the enemy is 
wrong. 

"Report to the Second Plenary 
Session of the Seventh Central 
Committee of the Communist 
Party of China" (March 5, 1949), 
Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 361. 



71 



VI. IMPERIALISM AND ALL 

REACTIONARIES ARE 

PAPER TIGERS 



All reactionaries are paper tigers. In ap- 
pearance, the reactionaries are terrifying, but 
in reality they are not so powerful. From a 
long-term point of view, it is not the reaction- 
aries but the people who are really powerful. 

"Talk with the American Cor- 
respondent Anna Louise Strong" 
(August 1946), Selected Works, 
Vol. IV, p. 100. 

Just as there is not a single thing in the 
world without a dual nature (this is the 
law of the unity of opposites), so imperial- 
ism and all reactionaries have a dual na- 
ture — they are real tigers and paper tigers 
at the same time. In past history, before 
they won state power and for some time 

72 



afterwards, the slave-owning class, the 
feudal landlord class and the bourgeoisie 
were vigorous, revolutionary and progres- 
sive; they were real tigers. But with the 
lapse of time, because their opposites — the 
slave class, the peasant class and the pro- 
letariat — grew in strength step by step, 
struggled against them more and more 
fiercely, these ruling classes changed 
step by step into the reverse, changed 
into reactionaries, changed into backward 
people, changed into paper tigers. And 
eventually they were overthrown, or will 
be overthrown, by the people. The re- 
actionary, backward, decaying classes re- 
tained this dual nature even in their last 
life-and-death struggles against the people. 
On the one hand, they were real tigers; they 
devoured people, devoured people by the 
millions and tens of millions. The cause of 
the people's struggle went through a period 
of difficulties and hardships, and along the 
path there were many twists and turns. To 
destroy the rule of imperialism, feudalism 
and bureaucrat-capitalism in China took the 
Chinese people more than a hundred years 

73 



and cost them tens of millions of lives be- 
fore the victory in 1949. Look! Were these 
not living tigers, iron tigers, real tigers? 
But in the end they changed into paper 
tigers, dead tigers, bean-curd tigers. These 
are historical facts. Have people not seen 
or heard about these facts? There have 
indeed been thousands and tens of thou- 
sands of them! Thousands and tens of 
thousands! Hence, imperialism and all 
reactionaries, looked at in essence, from a 
long-term point of view, from a strategic 
point of view, must be seen for what they 
are — paper tigers. On this we should build 
our strategic thinking. On the other hand, 
they are also living tigers, iron tigers, real 
tigers which can devour people. On this 
we should build our tactical thinking. 

Speech at the Wuchang Meeting 
of the Political Bureau of the 
Central Committee of the Com- 
munist Party of China (Decem- 
ber I, 1958), quoted in the ex- 
planatory note to "Talk with the 
American Correspondent Anna 
Louise Strong", Selected Works, 
Vol. IV, pp. 98-99.* 



74 



I have said that all the reputedly power- 
ful reactionaries are merely paper tigers. The 
reason is that they are divorced from the 
people. Look! Was not Hitler a paper tiger? 
Was Hitler not overthrown? I also said 
that the tsar of Russia, the emperor of 
China and Japanese imperialism were all 
paper tigers. As we know, they were all 
overthrown. U.S. imperialism has not yet 
been overthrown and it has the atom bomb. 
I believe it also will be overthrown. It, 
too, is a paper tiger. 

Speech at the Moscow Meeting 
of Communist and Workers' 
Parties (November 18, 1957). 

"Lifting a rock only to drop it on one's 
own feet" is a Chinese folk saying to de- 
scribe the behaviour of certain fools. The 
reactionaries in all countries are fools of this 
kind. In the final analysis, their persecution 
of the revolutionary people only serves to 
accelerate the people's revolutions on a 
broader and more intense scale. Did not the 
persecution of the revolutionary people 



75 



by the tsar of Russia and by Chiang 
Kai-shek perform this function in the great 
Russian and Chinese revolutions? 

"Speech at the Meeting of the 
Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R. 
in Celebration of the 40th An- 
niversary of the Great October 
Socialist Revolution" (November 
6, 1957)- 



U.S. imperialism invaded China's ter- 
ritory of Taiwan and has occupied it for 
the past nine years. A short while ago it 
sent its armed forces to invade and occupy 
Lebanon. The United States has set up 
hundreds of military bases in many coun- 
tries all over the world. China's ter- 
ritory of Taiwan, Lebanon and all 
military bases of the United States on 
foreign soil are so many nooses round 
the neck of U.S. imperialism. The nooses 
have been fashioned by the Americans 
themselves and by nobody else, and it is 
they themselves who have put these nooses 
round their own necks, handing the ends 
of the ropes to the Chinese people, the 

76 



peoples of the Arab countries and all the 
peoples of the world who love peace and 
oppose aggression. The longer the U.S. 
aggressors remain in those places, the 
tighter the nooses round their necks will 
become. 

Speech at the Supreme State 
Conference (September 8, 1958). 

Imperialism will not last long because it 
always does evil things. It persists 
in grooming and supporting reactiona- 
ries in all countries who are against 
the people, it has forcibly seized many 
colonies and semi-colonies and many 
military bases, and it threatens the 
peace with atomic war. Thus, forced by 
imperialism to do so, more than 90 per cent 
of the people of the world are rising or 
will rise up in struggle against it. Yet 
imperialism is still alive, still running 
amuck in Asia, Africa and Latin America. 
In the West imperialism is still oppressing 
the people at home. This situation must 
change. It is the task of the people of the 



77 



whole world to put an end to the ag- 
gression and oppression perpetrated by 
imperialism, and chiefly by U.S. impe- 
rialism. 

Interview with a Hsinhua News 
Agency correspondent (September 
29, 1958). 

Riding roughshod everywhere, U.S. im- 
perialism has made itself the enemy of the 
people of the world and has increasingly 
isolated itself. Those who refuse to be en- 
slaved will never be cowed by the atom 
bombs and hydrogen bombs in the hands 
of the U.S. imperialists. The raging tide 
of the people of the world against the U.S. 
aggressors is irresistible. Their struggle 
against U.S. imperialism and its lackeys 
will assuredly win still greater victories. 

"Statement Supporting the Pana- 
manian People's Just Patriotic 
Struggle Against U.S. Imperial- 
ism" (January 12, 1964), People 
of the World, Unite and Defeat 
the U.S. Aggressors and All 
Their Lackeys, 2nd ed., pp. 9-10. 



If the U.S. monopoly capitalist groups 
persist in pushing their policies of aggression 
and war, the day is bound to come when they 
will be hanged by the people of the whole 
world. The same fate awaits the accom- 
plices of the United States. 

Speech at the Supreme State 
Conference (September 8, 1958). 

Over a long period we have developed 
this concept for the struggle against the ene- 
my: strategically we should despise all our 
enemies, but tactically we should take 
them all seriously. This also means that 
we must despise the enemy with respect to 
the whole, but that we must take him se- 
riously with respect to each and every con- 
crete question. If we do not despise the 
enemy with respect to the whole, we shall be 
committing the error of opportunism. Marx 
and Engels were only two individuals, and 
yet in those early days they already de- 
clared that capitalism would be overthrown 
throughout the world. But in dealing with 



79 



concrete problems and particular enemies we 
shall be committing the error of adventurism 
unless we take them seriously. In war, 
battles can only be fought one by one and 
the enemy forces can only be destroyed one 
by one. Factories can only be built one by 
one. The peasants can only plough the 
land plot by plot. The same is even true of 
eating a meal. Strategically, we take the 
eating of a meal lightly — we know we can 
finish it. But actually we eat it mouthful 
by mouthful. It is impossible to swallow 
an entire banquet in one gulp. This is 
known as a piecemeal solution. In military 
parlance, it is called wiping out the enemy 
forces one by one. 

Speech at the Moscow Meeting 
of Communist and Workers' 
Parties (November 18, 1957). 

It is my opinion that the international 
situation has now reached a new turning 
point. There are two winds in the world 
today, the East Wind and the West Wind. 
There is a Chinese saying, "Either the East 



Wind prevails over the West Wind or the 
West Wind prevails over the East Wind." 
I believe it is characteristic of the situation 
today that the East Wind is prevailing 
over the West Wind. That is to say, the 
forces of socialism have become over- 
whelmingly superior to the forces of im- 
perialism. 

Ibid. 



VII. DARE TO STRUGGLE 
AND DARE TO WIN 



People of the world, unite and defeat 
the U.S. aggressors and all their running 
dogs! People of the world, be courageous 
dare to fight, defy difficulties and advance 
wave upon wave. Then the whole world 
will belong to the people. Monsters of all 
kinds shall be destroyed. 

"Statement Supporting the People 
of the Congo (L.) Against U.S. 
Aggression" (November 28, 1964), 
People of the World, Unite and 
Defeat the U.S. Aggressors and 
All Their Lackeys, 2nd ed., p. 14. 

The Communist Party of China, having 
made a clear-headed appraisal of the inter- 
national and domestic situation on the basis 
of the science of Marxism-Leninism, rec- 



ognized that all attacks by the reaction- 
aries at home and abroad had to be 
defeated and could be defeated. When 
dark clouds appeared in the sky, we 
pointed out that they were only temporary, 
that the darkness would soon pass and the 
sun break through. 

"The Present Situation and Our 
Tasks" (December 25, 1947), Se- 
lected Military Writings, 2nd ed., 

P- 347- 

[Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 159.] 

Historically, all reactionary forces on the 
verge of extinction invariably conduct a last 
desperate struggle against the revolutionary 
forces, and some revolutionaries are apt to 
be deluded for a time by this phenomenon 
of outward strength but inner weakness, 
failing to grasp the essential fact that the 
enemy is nearing extinction while they 
themselves are approaching victory. 

"The Turning Point in World 
War II" (October 12, 1942), Se- 
lected Works, Vol. Ill, p. 103. 

If they [the Kuomintang] fight, we will 
wipe them out completely. This is the way 



things are: if they attack and we wipe them 
out, they will have that satisfaction; wipe 
out some, some satisfaction; wipe out more, 
more satisfaction; wipe out the whole lot, 
complete satisfaction. China's problems 
are complicated, and our brains must also 
be a little complicated. If they start fight- 
ing, we fight back, fight to win peace. 

"On the Chungking Negotiations" 
(October 17, 1945), Selected 
Works, Vol. IV, p. 56. 

If anyone attacks us and if the conditions 
are favourable for battle, we will certainly 
act in self-defence to wipe him out reso- 
lutely, thoroughly, wholly and completely 
(we do not strike rashly, but when we do 
strike, we must win). We must never be 
cowed by the bluster of reactionaries. 

"On Peace Negotiations with the 
Kuomintang — Circular of the 
Central Committee of the Com- 
munist Party of China" (August 
16, 1945), Selected Works, Vol. 
IV, p. 49.* 

84 



As far as our own desire is concerned, 
we don't want to fight even for a single 
day. But if circumstances force us to fight, 
we can fight to the finish. 

"Talk with the American Cor- 
respondent Anna Louise Strong" 
(August 1946), Selected Works, 
Vol. IV, p. 97. 



We are for peace. But so long as U.S. 
imperialism refuses to give up its arrogant 
and unreasonable demands and its scheme 
to extend aggression, the only course for 
the Chinese people is to remain determined 
to go on fighting side by side with the 
Korean people. Not that we are warlike. 
We are willing to stop the war at once and 
leave the remaining questions for later 
settlement. But U.S. imperialism is not 
willing to do so. All right then, let the 
fighting go on. However many years U.S. 
imperialism wants to fight, we are ready to 
fight right up to the moment when it is will- 
ing to stop, right up to the moment of com- 



plete victory for the Chinese and Korean 
peoples. 

Speech at the Fourth Session of the 
First National Committee of the 
Chinese People's Political Consulta- 
tive Conference (February 7, 1953). 

We should rid our ranks of all impotent 
thinking. All views that overestimate the 
strength of the enemy and underestimate 
the strength of the people are wrong. 

"The Present Situation and Our 
Tasks" (December 25, 1947), 
Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 173. 

The oppressed peoples and nations must 
not pin their hopes for liberation on the 
"sensibleness" of imperialism and its 
lackeys. They will only triumph by strength- 
ening their unity and persevering in their 
struggle. 

"Statement Opposing Aggression 
Against Southern Vietnam and 
Slaughter of Its People by the 
U.S.-Ngo Dinh Diem Clique" 
(August 29, 1963), People of the 
World, Unite and Defeat the U.S. 
Aggressors and All Their Lackeys, 
2nd ed., p. 6. 



No matter when this country-wide civil 
war breaks out, we must be well prepared. 
If it comes early, say, tomorrow morning, 
we should also be prepared. That is point 
one. In the present international and do- 
mestic situation it is possible that for a 
time the civil war may be kept restricted 
in scale and localized. That is point two. 
Point one is what we should prepare for, 
point two is what has existed for a long 
time. In short, we must be prepared. Be- 
ing prepared, we shall be able to deal 
properly with all kinds of complicated 
situations. 

"The Situation and Our Policy 
After the Victory in the War 
of Resistance Against Japan" 
(August 13, 1945), Selected Works, 
Vol. IV, p. 22. 



87 



VIII. PEOPLE'S WAR 



The revolutionary war is a war of the 
masses; it can be waged only by mobilizing 
the masses and relying on them. 

"Be Concerned with the Well- 
Being of the Masses, Pay Atten- 
tion to Methods of Work" 
(January 27, 1934), Selected 
Works, Vol. I, p. 147.* 

What is a true bastion of iron? It is the 
masses, the millions upon millions of peo- 
ple who genuinely and sincerely support 
the revolution. That is the real iron bastion 
which it is impossible, and absolutely im- 
possible, for any force on earth to smash. 
The counter-revolution cannot smash us; on 
the contrary, we shall smash it. Rallying 
millions upon millions of people round the 



revolutionary government and expanding 
our revolutionary war, we shall wipe out all 
counter-revolution and take over the whole 
of China. 

Ibid., p. 150.* 

The richest source of power to wage war 
lies in the masses of the people. It is 
mainly because of the unorganized state of 
the Chinese masses that Japan dares to 
bully us. When this defect is remedied, 
then the Japanese aggressor, like a mad 
bull crashing into a ring of flames, will be 
surrounded by hundreds of millions of our 
people standing upright, the mere sound of 
their voices will strike terror into him, and 
he will be burned to death. 

"On Protracted War" (May 1938), 
Selected Works, Vol. II, p. 186. 

The imperialists are bullying us in such 
a way that we will have to deal with 
them seriously. Not only must we have 
a powerful regular army, we must also 
organize contingents of the people's militia 



on a big scale. This will make it diffi- 
cult for the imperialists to move a single 
inch in our country in the event of 
invasion. 

Interview with a Hsinhua News 
Agency correspondent (September 
29, 1958). 

Considering the revolutionary war as a 
whole, the operations of the people's guer- 
rillas and those of the main forces of the 
Red Army complement each other like a 
man's right arm and left arm, and if we 
had only the main forces of the Red Army 
without the people's guerrillas, we would 
be like a warrior with only one arm. In 
concrete terms, and especially with regard 
to military operations, when we talk of the 
people in the base area as a factor, we 
mean that we have an armed people. That 
is the main reason why the enemy is afraid 
to approach our base area. 

"Problems of Strategy in China's 
Revolutionary War" (December 
1936), Selected Works, Vol. I, p. 
238. 



Unquestionably, victory or defeat in war 
is determined mainly by the military, po- 
litical, economic and natural conditions on 
both sides. But not by these alone. It is 
also determined by each side's subjective 
ability in directing the war. In his endeav- 
our to win a war, a military strategist can- 
not overstep the limitations imposed by the 
material conditions; within these limita- 
tions, however, he can and must strive for 
victory. The stage of action for a military 
strategist is built upon objective material 
conditions, but on that stage he can direct 
the performance of many a drama, full of 
sound and colour, power and grandeur. 

Ibid., pp. 190-91.* 



The object of war is specifically "to pre- 
serve oneself and destroy the enemy" (to 
destroy the enemy means to disarm him or 
"deprive him of the power to resist", and 
does not mean to destroy every member of 
his forces physically). In ancient warfare, 
the spear and the shield were used, the 
spear to attack and destroy the enemy, and 

91 



the shield to defend and preserve oneself. 
To the present day, all weapons are still 
an extension of the spear and the shield. 
The bomber, the machine-gun, the long- 
range gun and poison gas are developments 
of the spear, while the air-raid shelter, 
the steel helmet, the concrete fortifica- 
tion and the gas mask are developments 
of the shield. The tank is a new weapon 
combining the functions of both spear and 
shield. Attack is the chief means of de- 
stroying the enemy, but defence cannot be 
dispensed with. In attack the immediate 
object is to destroy the enemy, but at the 
same time it is self-preservation, because if 
the enemy is not destroyed, you will be 
destroyed. In defence the immediate ob- 
ject is to preserve yourself, but at the same 
time defence is a means of supplementing 
attack or preparing to go over to the attack. 
Retreat is in the category of defence and 
is a continuation of defence, while pursuit 
is a continuation of attack. It should be 
pointed out that destruction of the enemy 
is the primary object of war and self- 



92 



preservation the secondary, because only 
by destroying the enemy in large numbers 
can one effectively preserve oneself. There- 
fore attack, the chief means of destroying 
the enemy, is primary, while defence, a 
supplementary means of destroying the 
enemy and a means of self-preservation, is 
secondary. In actual warfare the chief 
role is played by defence much of the time 
and by attack for the rest of the time, but 
if war is taken as a whole, attack remains 
primary. 

"On Protracted War" (May 1938), 
Selected Works, Vol. II, p. 156. 



All the guiding principles of military 
operations grow out of the one basic prin- 
ciple: to strive to the utmost to preserve 
one's own strength and destroy that of the 
enemy. . . . How then do we justify the 
encouragement of heroic sacrifice in war? 
Every war exacts a price, sometimes an ex- 
tremely high one. Is this not in contradic- 
tion with "preserving oneself? In fact, there 



93 



is no contradiction at all; to put it more 
exactly, sacrifice and self-preservation are 
both opposite and complementary to each 
other. For such sacrifice is essential not only 
for destroying the enemy but also for pre- 
serving oneself — partial and temporary 
"non-preservation" (sacrifice, or paying the 
price) is necessary for the sake of general 
and permanent preservation. From this 
basic principle stems the series of principles 
guiding military operations, all of which — 
from the principles of shooting (taking 
cover to preserve oneself, and making full 
use of fire-power to destroy the enemy) to 
the principles of strategy — are permeated 
with the spirit of this basic principle. All 
technical principles and all principles con- 
cerning tactics, campaigns and strategy rep- 
resent applications of this basic principle. 
The principle of preserving oneself and 
destroying the enemy is the basis of all 
military principles. 

"Problems of Strategy in Guer- 
rilla War Against Japan" (May 
1938), Selected Works, Vol. II, 
pp. 81-82.* 

94 



Our principles of operation are: 

(i) Attack dispersed, isolated enemy 
forces first; attack concentrated, strong 
enemy forces later. 

(2) Take small and medium cities 
and extensive rural areas first; take big 
cities later. 

(3) Make wiping out the enemy's 
effective strength our main objective; do 
not make holding or seizing a city or 
place our main objective. Holding or 
seizing a city or place is the outcome of 
wiping out the enemy's effective strength, 
and often a city or place can be held or 
seized for good only after it has 
changed hands a number of times. 

(4) In every battle, concentrate an 
absolutely superior force (two, three, four 
and sometimes even five or six times the 
enemy's strength), encircle the enemy 
forces completely, strive to wipe them out 
thoroughly and do not let any escape 
from the net. In special circumstances, 
use the method of dealing the enemy 
crushing blows, that is, concentrate all 
our strength to make a frontal attack and 



95 



an attack on one or both of his flanks, 
with the aim of wiping out one part and 
routing another so that our army can 
swiftly move its troops to smash other 
enemy forces. Strive to avoid battles of 
attrition in which we lose more than we 
gain or only break even. In this way, 
although inferior as a whole (in terms of 
numbers), we shall be absolutely superior 
in every part and every specific cam- 
paign, and this ensures victory in the 
campaign. As time goes on, we shall 
become superior as a whole and even- 
tually wipe out all the enemy. 

(5) Fight no battle unprepared, fight 
no battle you are not sure of winning; 
make every effort to be well prepared for 
each battle, make every effort to ensure 
victory in the given set of conditions as 
between the enemy and ourselves. 

(6) Give full play to our style of 
fighting — courage in battle, no fear of 
sacrifice, no fear of fatigue, and con- 
tinuous fighting (that is, fighting succes- 
sive battles in a short time without 
rest). 



96 



(7) Strive to wipe out the enemy 
when he is on the move. At the same 
time, pay attention to the tactics of 
positional attack and capture enemy 
fortified points and cities. 

(8) With regard to attacking cities, 
resolutely seize all enemy fortified points 
and cities which are weakly defended. 
At opportune moments, seize all enemy 
fortified points and cities defended with 
moderate strength, provided circum- 
stances permit. As for all strongly de- 
fended enemy fortified points and cities, 
wait till conditions are ripe and then take 
them. 

(9) Replenish our strength with all 
the arms and most of the personnel cap- 
tured from the enemy. Our army's main 
sources of manpower and materiel are at 
the front. 

(10) Make good use of the intervals 
between campaigns to rest, train and con- 
solidate our troops. Periods of rest, train- 
ing and consolidation should not in 
general be very long, and the enemy 

97 



should so far as possible be permitted no 
breathing space. 

These are the main methods the People's 
Liberation Army has employed in defeating 
Chiang Kai-shek. They are the result of 
the tempering of the People's Liberation 
Army in long years of fighting against 
domestic and foreign enemies and are com- 
pletely suited to our present situation. 
. . . our strategy and tactics are based on 
a people's war; no army opposed to the 
people can use our strategy and tactics. 

"The Present Situation and Our 
Tasks" (December 25, 1947), Se- 
lected Military Writings, 2nd ed., 
pp. 349-50.* 
[Selected Works, Vol. IV, pp. 161-62.] 

Without preparedness superiority is not 
real superiority and there can be no initia- 
tive either. Having grasped this point, a 
force which is inferior but prepared can 
often defeat a superior enemy by surprise- 
attack. 

"On Protracted War" (May 1938), 
Selected Works, Vol. II, pp. 165- 
66. 



IX. PEOPLE'S ARMY 



Without a people's army the people have 
nothing. 

"On Coalition Government" 

(April 24, 1945), Selected Works, 
Vol. Ill, pp. 296-97. 



This army is powerful because all its 
members have a conscious discipline; they 
have come together and they fight not for 
the private interests of a few individuals 
or a narrow clique, but for the interests of 
the broad masses and of the whole na- 
tion. The sole purpose of this army is to 
stand firmly with the Chinese people and 
to serve them whole-heartedly. 

Ibid., p. 264.* 

99 



The Chinese Red Army is an armed 
body for carrying out the political tasks of 
the revolution. Especially at present, the 
Red Army should certainly not confine it- 
self to fighting; besides fighting to destroy 
the enemy's military strength, it should 
shoulder such important tasks as doing 
propaganda among the masses, organizing 
the masses, arming them, helping them to 
establish revolutionary political power and 
setting up Party organizations. The Red 
Army fights not merely for the sake of 
fighting but in order to conduct propagan- 
da among the masses, organize them, arm 
them, and help them to establish revolu- 
tionary political power. Without these 
objectives, fighting loses its meaning and 
the Red Army loses the reason for its exist- 
ence. 

"On Correcting Mistaken Ideas 
in the Party" (December 1929), 
Selected Works, Vol. I, p. 106.* 

The People's Liberation Army is always 
a fighting force. Even after country-wide 



victory, our army will remain a fighting 
force during the historical period in which 
classes have not been abolished in our 
country and the imperialist system still 
exists in the world. On this point there 
should be no misunderstanding or waver- 
ing. 

"Report to the Second Plenary 
Session of the Seventh Central 
Committee of the Communist 
Party of China" (March 5, 1949), 
Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 362. 

We have an army for fighting as well as 
an army for labour. For fighting we have 
the Eighth Route and New Fourth Armies; 
but even they do a dual job, warfare and 
production. With these two kinds of ar- 
mies, and with a fighting army skilled in 
these two tasks and in mass work, we can 
overcome our difficulties and defeat Jap- 
anese imperialism. 

"Get Organized!" (November 29, 
1943), Selected Works, Vol. Ill, 
p. 153. 



Our national defence will be consolidated 
and no imperialist will be allowed to 
invade our territory again. Our people's 
armed forces must be maintained and 
developed with the brave and steeled Peo- 
ple's Liberation Army as their foundation. 
We will have not only a powerful army but 
also a powerful air force and a powerful 
navy. 

Opening address at the First 
Plenary Session of the Chinese 
People's Political Consultative 
Conference (September 21, 1949). 

Our principle is that the Party com- 
mands the gun, and the gun must never be 
allowed to command the Party. 

"Problems of War and Strategy" 
(November 6, 1938), Selected 
Works, Vol. II, p. 224. 

All our officers and fighters must always 
bear in mind that we are the great People's 
Liberation Army, we are the troops led by 
the great Communist Party of China. Pro- 



vided we constantly observe the directives 
of the Party, we are sure to win. 

"Manifesto of the Chinese Peo- 
ple's Liberation Army" (October 
1947), Selected Works, Vol. IV, 
p. 152. 



103 



X. LEADERSHIP OF 
PARTY COMMITTEES 



The Party committee system is an im- 
portant Party institution for ensuring col- 
lective leadership and preventing any in- 
dividual from monopolizing the conduct of 
affairs. It has recently been found that in 
some (of course not all) leading bodies it 
is the habitual practice for one individual 
to monopolize the conduct of affairs and 
decide important problems. Solutions to 
important problems are decided not by 
Party committee meetings but by one in- 
dividual, and membership in the Party 
committee has become nominal. Differ- 
ences of opinion among committee members 
cannot be resolved and are left unresolved 
for a long time. Members of the Party 
committee maintain only formal, not real, 

104 



unity among themselves. This situation 
must be changed. From now on, a sound 
system of Party committee meetings must 
be instituted in all leading bodies, from the 
regional bureaus of the Central Committee 
to the prefectural Party committees; from 
the Party committees of the fronts to the 
Party committees of brigades and military 
areas (sub-commissions of the Revolutionary 
Military Commission or leading groups); and 
the leading Party members' groups in gov- 
ernment bodies, people's organizations, the 
news agency and the newspaper offices. All 
important problems (of course, not the un- 
important, trivial problems, or problems 
whose solutions have already been decided 
after discussion at meetings and need only 
be carried out) must be submitted to the 
committee for discussion, and the commit- 
tee members present should express their 
views fully and reach definite decisions 
which should then be carried out by the 
members concerned. . . . Party committee 
meetings must be divided into two catego- 
ries, standing committee meetings and ple- 
nary sessions, and the two should not be 

105 



confused. Furthermore, we must take care 
that neither collective leadership nor per- 
sonal responsibility is overemphasized to 
the neglect of the other. In the army, the 
person in command has the right to make 
emergency decisions during battle and when 
circumstances require. 

"On Strengthening the Party 
Committee System" (September 
20, 1948), Selected Works, Vol. 
IV, pp. 267-68.* 

The secretary of a Party committee must 
be good at being a "squad leader". A 
Party committee has ten to twenty members; 
it is like a squad in the army, and the sec- 
retary is like the "squad leader". It is in- 
deed not easy to lead this squad well. Each 
regional bureau or sub-regional bureau of 
the Central Committee now leads a vast area 
and shoulders very heavy responsibilities. To 
lead means not only to decide general and 
specific policies but also to devise correct 
methods of work. Even with correct gen- 
eral and specific policies, troubles may still 



106 



arise if methods of work are neglected. To 
fulfil its task of exercising leadership, a 
Party committee must rely on its "squad 
members" and enable them to play their 
parts to the full. To be a good "squad 
leader", the secretary should study hard 
and investigate thoroughly. A secretary or 
deputy secretary will find it difficult to 
direct his "squad" well if he does not take 
care to do propaganda and organizational 
work among his own "squad members", is 
not good at handling his relations with com- 
mittee members or does not study how to 
run meetings successfully. If the "squad 
members" do not march in step, they can 
never expect to lead tens of millions of 
people in fighting and construction. Of 
course, the relation between the secretary 
and the committee members is one in which 
the minority must obey the majority, so it 
is different from the relation between a 
squad leader and his men. Here we speak 
only by way of analogy. 

"Methods of Work of Party 
Committees" (March 13, 1949), 
Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 377.* 



107 



Place problems on the table. This should 
be done not only by the "squad leader" but 
by the committee members too. Do not 
talk behind people's backs. Whenever prob- 
lems arise, call a meeting, place the prob- 
lems on the table for discussion, take some 
decisions and the problems will be solved. 
If problems exist and are not placed on 
the table, they will remain unsolved for a 
long time and even drag on for years. The 
"squad leader" and the committee members 
should show understanding in their rela- 
tions with each other. Nothing is more im- 
portant than mutual understanding, support 
and friendship between the secretary and 
the committee members, between the Cen- 
tral Committee and its regional bureaus and 
between the regional bureaus and the area 
Party committees. 

Ibid., pp. 377-78.* 

"Exchange information." This means 
that members of a Party committee should 
keep each other informed and exchange 
views on matters that have come to their 



attention. This is of great importance in 
achieving a common language. Some fail 
to do so and, like the people described by 
Lao Tzu, "do not visit each other all their 
lives, though the crowing of their cocks and 
the barking of their dogs are within hearing 
of each other". The result is that they lack 
a common language. 

Ibid., p. 378. 

Ask your subordinates about matters you 
don't understand or don't know, and do 
not lightly express your approval or disap- 
proval. . . . We should never pretend to 
know what we don't know, we should "not 
feel ashamed to ask and learn from people 
below" and we should listen carefully to 
the views of the cadres at the lower levels. 
Be a pupil before you become a teacher; 
learn from the cadres at the lower levels 
before you issue orders. . . . What the 
cadres at the lower levels say may or may 
not be correct; after hearing it, we must 
analyse it. We must heed the correct views 
and act upon them. . . . Listen also to the 



109 



mistaken views from below; it is wrong not 
to listen to them at all. Such views, however, 
are not to be acted upon but to be criticized. 

Ibid., pp. 378-79.* 

Learn to "play the piano". In playing 
the piano all ten fingers are in motion; it 
won't do to move some fingers only and not 
others. But if all ten fingers press down at 
once, there is no melody. To produce good 
music, the ten fingers should move rhyth- 
mically and in co-ordination. A Party com- 
mittee should keep a firm grasp on its cen- 
tral task and at the same time, around the 
central task, it should unfold the work in 
other fields. At present, we have to take 
care of many fields; we must look after the 
work in all the areas, armed units and de- 
partments, and not give all our attention to 
a few problems, to the exclusion of others. 
Wherever there is a problem, we must put 
our finger on it, and this is a method we 
must master. Some play the piano well 
and some badly, and there is a great differ- 
ence in the melodies they produce. Mem- 



bers of Party committees must learn to "play 
the piano" well. 

Ibid., p. 379.* 

"Grasp firmly." That is to say, the Party 
committee must not merely "grasp", but 
must "grasp firmly", its main tasks. One 
can get a grip on something only when it 
is grasped firmly, without the slightest slack- 
ening. Not to grasp firmly is not to grasp 
at all. Naturally, one cannot get a grip 
on something with an open hand. When 
the hand is clenched as if grasping some- 
thing but is not clenched tightly, there is still 
no grip. Some of our comrades do grasp 
the main tasks, but their grasp is not firm 
and so they cannot make a success of their 
work. It will not do to have no grasp at 
all, nor will it do if the grasp is not firm. 

Ibid. 



"Have a head for figures." That is to 
say, we must attend to the quantitative as- 
pect of a situation or problem and make a 
basic quantitative analysis. Every quality 



manifests itself in a certain quantity, and 
without quantity there can be no quality. 
To this day many of our comrades still 
do not understand that they must attend 
to the quantitative aspect of things — the 
basic statistics, the main percentages and 
the quantitative limits that determine the 
qualities of things. They have no "figures" 
in their heads and as a result cannot help 
making mistakes. 

Ibid., pp. 379-80. 



"Notice to Reassure the Public." Notice 
of meetings should be given beforehand; 
this is like issuing a "Notice to Reassure 
the Public", so that everybody will know 
what is going to be discussed and what prob- 
lems are to be solved and can make timely 
preparations. In some places, meetings of 
cadres are called without first preparing 
reports and draft resolutions, and only when 
people have arrived for the meeting are 
makeshifts improvised; this is just like 
the saying, "Troops and horses have ar- 



rived, but food and fodder are not ready", 
and that is no good. Don't call a meeting 
in a hurry if the preparations are not com- 
pleted. 

Ibid., p. 380. 

"Fewer and better troops and simpler 
administration." Talks, speeches, articles 
and resolutions should all be concise and 
to the point. Meetings also should not go 
on too long. 

Ibid. 

Pay attention to uniting and working 
with comrades who differ with you. This 
should be borne in mind both in the local- 
ities and in the army. It also applies to 
relations with people outside the Party. We 
have come together from every corner of 
the country and should be good at uniting 
in our work not only with comrades who 
hold the same views as we but also with 
those who hold different views. 

Ibid. 
"3 



Guard against arrogance. For anyone in 
a leading position, this is a matter of prin- 
ciple and an important condition for main- 
taining unity. Even those who have made 
no serious mistakes and have achieved very 
great success in their work should not be 
arrogant. 

Ibid. 

Draw two lines of distinction. First, be- 
tween revolution and counter-revolution, 
between Yenan and Sian. 1 Some do not 
understand that they must draw this line 
of distinction. For example, when they 
combat bureaucracy, they speak of Yenan 
as though "nothing is right" there and fail 
to make a comparison and distinguish be- 
tween the bureaucracy in Yenan and the 



'Yenan was the headquarters of the Central 
Committee of the Communist Party of China from 
January 1937 to March 1947; Sian was the centre 
of the reactionary rule of the Kuomintang in north- 
western China. Comrade Mao Tse-tung cited the 
two cities as symbols of revolution and counter- 
revolution. 



114 



bureaucracy in Sian. This is fundamentally 
wrong. Secondly, within the revolutionary 
ranks, it is necessary to make a clear dis- 
tinction between right and wrong, between 
achievements and shortcomings and to make 
clear which of the two is primary and 
which secondary. For instance, do the 
achievements amount to 30 per cent or to 
70 per cent of the whole? It will not do 
either to understate or to overstate. We 
must have a fundamental evaluation of a 
person's work and establish whether his 
achievements amount to 30 per cent and his 
mistakes to 70 per cent, or vice versa. If 
his achievements amount to 70 per cent of 
the whole, then his work should in the main 
be approved. It would be entirely wrong 
to describe work in which the achievements 
are primary as work in which the mistakes 
are primary. In our approach to problems 
we must not forget to draw these two lines 
of distinction, between revolution and coun- 
ter-revolution and between achievements 
and shortcomings. We shall be able to 
handle things well if we bear these two 
distinctions in mind; otherwise we shall 



"5 



confuse the nature of the problems. To draw 
these distinctions well, careful study and 
analysis are of course necessary. Our at- 
titude towards every person and every mat- 
ter should be one of analysis and study. 

Ibid., p. 381. 

In the sphere of organization, ensure 
democracy under centralized guidance. It 
should be done on the following lines: 

(1) The leading bodies of the Party 
must give a correct line of guidance and 
find solutions when problems arise, in 
order to establish themselves as centres 
of leadership. 

(2) The higher bodies must be famil- 
iar with the situation in the lower bodies 
and with the life of the masses so as 
to have an objective basis for correct 
guidance. 

(3) No Party organization at any level 
should make casual decisions in solving 
problems. Once a decision is reached, it 
must be firmly carried out. 

116 



(4)A11 decisions of any importance 
made by the Party's higher bodies must 
be promptly transmitted to the lower 
bodies and the Party rank and file. . . . 

(5) The lower bodies of the Party 
and the Party rank and file must discuss 
the higher bodies' directives in detail in 
order to understand their meaning thor- 
oughly and decide on the methods of 
carrying them out. 

"On Correcting Mistaken Ideas 
in the Party" (December 1929), 
Selected Works, Vol. I, p. 109.* 



117 



XI. THE MASS LINE 



The people, and the people alone, are 
the motive force in the making of world 
history. 

"On Coalition Government" 

(April 24, 1945), Selected Works, 
Vol. Ill, p. 257.* 

The masses are the real heroes, while we 
ourselves are often childish and ignorant, 
and without this understanding it is im- 
possible to acquire even the most rudi- 
mentary knowledge. 

"Preface and Postscript to Rural 
Surveys" (March and April 1941), 
Selected Works, Vol. Ill, p. 12.* 

The masses have boundless creative 
power. They can organize themselves and 
concentrate on places and branches of work 



where they can give full play to their en- 
ergy; they can concentrate on production in 
breadth and depth and create more and 
more welfare undertakings for themselves. 

Introductory note to "Surplus 
Labour Has Found a Way Out" 
(1955), The Socialist Upsurge in 
China's Countryside, Chinese ed., 
Vol. II. 
[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 269.] 

The present upsurge of the peasant move- 
ment is a colossal event. In a very short 
time, in China's central, southern and north- 
ern provinces, several hundred million 
peasants will rise like a mighty storm, like 
a hurricane, a force so swift and violent 
that no power, however great, will be able 
to hold it back. They will smash all the 
trammels that bind them and rush forward 
along the road to liberation. They will 
sweep all the imperialists, warlords, cor- 
rupt officials, local tyrants and evil gentry 
into their graves. Every revolutionary 
party and every revolutionary comrade will 
be put to the test, to be accepted or rejected 
as they decide. There are three alterna- 

119 



tives. To march at their head and lead 
them? To trail behind them, gesticulating 
and criticizing? Or to stand in their way 
and oppose them? Every Chinese is free 
to choose, but events will force you to 
make the choice quickly. 

"Report on an Investigation of 
the Peasant Movement in Hunan" 
(March 1927), Selected Works, 
Vol. I, pp. 23-24.* 



The high tide of social transformation in 
the countryside, the high tide of co-opera- 
tion, has already reached some places and 
will soon sweep over the whole country. 
It is a vast socialist revolutionary move- 
ment involving a rural population of more 
than 500 million, and it has extremely great 
and world-wide significance. We should give 
this movement active, enthusiastic and 
systematic leadership, and not drag it back 
by one means or another. Some errors are 
unavoidable in the process; this is under- 
standable, and they will not be hard to cor- 
rect. Shortcomings or mistakes found 



among the cadres and the peasants can be 
remedied or overcome provided we give 
them positive help. 

On the Question of Agricultural 
Co-operation (July 31, 1955), 3rd 
ed., p. 1.* 
[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 184.] 

The masses have a potentially inexhaust- 
ible enthusiasm for socialism. Those who 
can only follow the old routine in a revolu- 
tionary period are utterly incapable of 
seeing this enthusiasm. They are blind and 
all is dark ahead of them. At times they go 
so far as to confound right and wrong and 
turn things upside down. Haven't we come 
across enough persons of this type? Those 
who simply follow the old routine inva- 
riably underestimate the people's enthu- 
siasm. Let something new appear and they 
always disapprove and rush to oppose it. 
Afterwards, they have to admit defeat and 
do a little self-criticism. But the next time 
something new appears, they go through 
the same process all over again. This is 
their pattern of behaviour in regard to 



anything and everything new. Such people 
are always passive, always fail to move 
forward at the critical moment, and always 
have to be given a shove in the back before 
they move a step. 

Introductory note to "This 
Township Went Co-operative in 
Two Years" (1955), The Socialist 
Upsurge in China's Countryside, 
Chinese ed., Vol. II. 
[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 246.] 

For over twenty years our Party has 
carried on mass work every day, and for 
the past dozen years it has talked about 
the mass line every day. We have always 
maintained that the revolution must rely 
on the masses of the people, on everybody's 
taking a hand, and have opposed relying 
merely on a few persons issuing orders. 
The mass line, however, is still not being 
thoroughly carried out in the work of some 
comrades; they still rely solely on a hand- 
ful of people working in solitude. One 
reason is that, whatever they do, they are 
always reluctant to explain it to the 
people they lead and that they do not 



understand why or how to give play 
to the initiative and creative energy of 
those they lead. Subjectively, they too want 
everyone to take a hand in the work, but 
they do not let other people know what 
is to be done or how to do it. That being 
the case, how can everyone be expected to 
get moving and how can anything be done 
well? To solve this problem the basic thing 
is, of course, to carry out ideological educa- 
tion on the mass line, but at the same time 
we must teach these comrades many con- 
crete methods of work. 

"A Talk to the Editorial Staff 
of the Shansi-Suiyuan Daily" 
(April 2, 1948), Selected Works, 
Vol. IV, pp. 241-42.* 

Twenty-four years of experience tell us 
that the right task, policy and style of work 
invariably conform with the demands of 
the masses at a given time and place and 
invariably strengthen our ties with the 
masses, and the wrong task, policy and 
style of work invariably disagree with the 
demands of the masses at a given time and 

123 



place and invariably alienate us from the 
masses. The reason why such evils as 
dogmatism, empiricism, commandism, tail- 
ism, sectarianism, bureaucracy and an ar- 
rogant attitude in work are definitely 
harmful and intolerable, and why anyone 
suffering from these maladies must over- 
come them, is that they alienate us from 
the masses. 

"On Coalition Government" 

(April 24, 1945), Selected Works, 
Vol. Ill, p. 315. 

To link oneself with the masses, one 
must act in accordance with the needs and 
wishes of the masses. All work done for 
the masses must start from their needs and 
not from the desire of any individual, how- 
ever well-intentioned. It often happens that 
objectively the masses need a certain 
change, but subjectively they are not yet 
conscious of the need, not yet willing or 
determined to make the change. In such 
cases, we should wait patiently. We should 
not make the change until, through our 
work, most of the masses have become 

124 



conscious of the need and are willing and 
determined to carry it out. Otherwise we 
shall isolate ourselves from the masses. 
Unless they are conscious and willing any 
kind of work that requires their participa- 
tion will turn out to be a mere formality 
and will fail. . . . There are two princi- 
ples here: one is the actual needs of the 
masses rather than what we fancy they 
need, and the other is the wishes of the 
masses, who must make up their own minds 
instead of our making up their minds for 
them. 

"The United Front in Cultural 
Work" (October 30, 1944), Se- 
lected Works, Vol. Ill, pp. 236- 
37.* 

Our congress should call upon the whole 
Party to be vigilant and to see that no com- 
rade at any post is divorced from the 
masses. It should teach every comrade to 
love the people and listen attentively to 
the voice of the masses; to identify himself 
with the masses wherever he goes and, in- 
stead of standing above them, to immerse 

125 



himself among them; and, according to their 
present level, to awaken them or raise their 
political consciousness and help them 
gradually to organize themselves volun- 
tarily and to set going all essential struggles 
permitted by the internal and external cir- 
cumstances of the given time and place. 

"On Coalition Government" 

(April 24, 1945), Selected Works, 
Vol. Ill, pp. 315-16. 

If we tried to go on the offensive when 
the masses are not yet awakened, that 
would be adventurism. If we insisted on 
leading the masses to do anything against 
their will, we would certainly fail. If we 
did not advance when the masses demand 
advance, that would be Right opportunism. 

"A Talk to the Editorial Staff of 
the Shansi-Suiyuan Daily" (April 
2, 1948), Selected Works, Vol. IV, 
p. 243. 

Commandism is wrong in any type of 
work, because in overstepping the level of 



126 



political consciousness of the masses and 
violating the principle of voluntary mass 
action it reflects the disease of impetuosity. 
Our comrades must not assume that every- 
thing they themselves understand is under- 
stood by the masses. Whether the masses 
understand it and are ready to take action 
can be discovered only by going into their 
midst and making investigations. If we do 
so, we can avoid commandism. Tailism in 
any type of work is also wrong, because 
in falling below the level of political con- 
sciousness of the masses and violating the 
principle of leading the masses forward it 
reflects the disease of dilatoriness. Our 
comrades must not assume that the masses 
have no understanding of what they them- 
selves do not yet understand. It often hap- 
pens that the masses outstrip us and are 
eager to advance a step and that never- 
theless our comrades fail to act as leaders 
of the masses and tail behind certain back- 
ward elements, reflecting their views and, 



127 



moreover, mistaking them for those of the 
broad masses. 

"On Coalition Government" 

(April 24, 1945), Selected Works, 
Vol. Ill, p. 316.* 



Take the ideas of the masses and con- 
centrate them, then go to the masses, per- 
severe in the ideas and carry them through, 
so as to form correct ideas of leadership 
— such is the basic method of leadership. 

"Some Questions Concerning 
Methods of Leadership" (June I, 
1943), Selected Works, Vol. Ill, 
p. 120. 

In all the practical work of our Party 
all correct leadership is necessarily "from 
the masses, to the masses". This means: 
take the ideas of the masses (scattered and 
unsystematic ideas) and concentrate them 
(through study turn them into concentrated 
and systematic ideas), then go to the masses 
and propagate and explain these ideas until 



the masses embrace them as their own, 
hold fast to them and translate them into 
action, and test the correctness of these 
ideas in such action. Then once again con- 
centrate ideas from the masses and once 
again go to the masses so that the ideas are 
persevered in and carried through. And so 
on, over and over again in an endless spiral, 
with the ideas becoming more correct, more 
vital and richer each time. Such is the 
Marxist theory of knowledge. 

Ibid., p. 119. 

We should go to the masses and learn 
from them, synthesize their experience into 
better, articulated principles and methods, 
then do propaganda among the masses, and 
call upon them to put these principles and 
methods into practice so as to solve their 
problems and help them achieve liberation 
and happiness. 

"Get Organized!" (November 29, 
1943), Selected Works, Vol. Ill, 
p. 158. 



129 



There are people in our leading organs 
in some places who think that it is enough 
for the leaders alone to know the Party's 
policies and that there is no need to let 
the masses know them. This is one of the 
basic reasons why some of our work cannot 
be done well. 

"A Talk to the Editorial Staff 
of the Shansi-Suiyuan Daily" 
(April 2, 1948), Selected Works, 
Vol. IV, p. 241. 

In all mass movements we must make a 
basic investigation and analysis of the 
number of active supporters, opponents and 
neutrals and must not decide problems 
subjectively and without basis. 

"Methods of Work of Party Com- 
mittees" (March 13, 1949), Se- 
lected Works, Vol. IV. p. 380. 

The masses in any given place are 
generally composed of three parts, the rela- 
tively active, the intermediate and the rela- 
tively backward. The leaders must there- 



to 



fore be skilled in uniting the small number 
of active elements around the leadership 
and must rely on them to raise the level of 
the intermediate elements and to win over 
the backward elements. 

"Some Questions Concerning 
Methods of Leadership" (June I, 
1943), Selected Works, Vol. Ill, 
p. 118. 

To be good at translating the Party's 
policy into action of the masses, to be good 
at getting not only the leading cadres but 
also the broad masses to understand and 
master every movement and every struggle 
we launch — this is an art of Marxist- 
Leninist leadership. It is also the dividing 
line that determines whether or not we 
make mistakes in our work. 

"A Talk to the Editorial Staff of 
the Shansi-Suiyuan Daily" (April 
2, 1948), Selected Works, Vol. IV, 
pp. 242-43. 

However active the leading group may 
be, its activity will amount to fruitless 



131 



effort by a handful of people unless com- 
bined with the activity of the masses. On the 
other hand, if the masses alone are active 
without a strong leading group to organize 
their activity properly, such activity cannot 
be sustained for long, or carried forward 
in the right direction, or raised to a high 
level. 

"Some Questions Concerning 
Methods of Leadership" (June I, 
1943), Selected Works, Vol. Ill, 
p. 118. 

Production by the masses, the interests 
of the masses, the experiences and feelings 
of the masses — to these the leading cadres 
should pay constant attention. 

Inscription for a production exhi- 
bition sponsored by organizations 
directly under the Central Com- 
mittee of the Party and the 
General Headquarters of the 
Eighth Route Army, Liberation 
Daily of Yenan, November 24, 
1943- 

We should pay close attention to the 
well-being of the masses, from the problems 

132 



of land and labour to those of fuel, rice, 
cooking oil and salt. . . . All such prob- 
lems concerning the well-being of the 
masses should be placed on our agenda. 
We should discuss them, adopt and carry 
out decisions and check up on the results. 
We should help the masses to realize that we 
represent their interests, that our lives are 
intimately bound up with theirs. We should 
help them to proceed from these things to 
an understanding of the higher tasks which 
we have put forward, the tasks of the rev- 
olutionary war, so that they will support 
the revolution and spread it throughout the 
country, respond to our political appeals 
and fight to the end for victory in the 
revolution. 

"Be Concerned with the Well- 
Being of the Masses, Pay Atten- 
tion to Methods of Work" (Janu- 
ary 27, 1934), Selected Works, 
Vol. I, p. 149.* 



133 



XII. POLITICAL WORK 



The system of Party representatives and 
of political departments, adopted for the 
first time in China, entirely changed the 
complexion of these armed forces. 1 The 
Red Army, which was founded in 1927, and 
the Eighth Route Army of today have in- 
herited this system and developed it. 

"Interview with the British 
Journalist James Bertram" (Octo- 
ber 25, 1937), Selected Works, 
Vol. II, p. 54. 



The People's Liberation Army has de- 
veloped its vigorous revolutionary political 



•This refers to the revolutionary armed forces 
organized jointly by the Chinese Communist Party 
and the Kuomintang in the years of their co- 
operation during the First Revolutionary Civil War 
Period (1924-27). — Tr. 



134 



work, which is an important factor in 
winning victory over the enemy, on the 
basis of a people's war and of the princi- 
ples of unity between army and people, of 
unity between commanders and fighters and 
of disintegrating the enemy troops. 

"The Present Situation and Our 
Tasks" (December 25, 1947), Se- 
lected Military Writings, 2nd ed., 
p. 350. 
[Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 162.] 



This army has built up a system of polit- 
ical work which is essential for the peo- 
ple's war and is aimed at promoting unity 
in its own ranks, unity with the friendly 
armies and unity with the people, and at 
disintegrating the enemy forces and ensur- 
ing victory in battle. 

"On Coalition Government" 

(April 24, 1945), Selected Works, 
Vol. Ill, p. 265.* 

Political work is the life-blood of all 
economic work. This is particularly true at 



135 



a time when the social and economic system 
is undergoing fundamental change. 

Introductory note to "A Serious 
Lesson" (1955), The Socialist 
Upsurge in China's Countryside, 
Chinese ed., Vol. I. 
[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 260.] 

"The Party branch is organized on a 
company basis"; this is an important reason 
why the Red Army has been able to carry 
on such arduous fighting without falling 
apart. 

"The Struggle in the Chingkang 
Mountains" (November 25, 1928), 
Selected Works, Vol. I, p. 84. 

The political work of the Eighth Route 
Army is guided by three basic principles. 
First, the principle of unity between officers 
and men, which means eradicating feudal 
practices in the army, prohibiting beating 
and abuse, building up a conscious disci- 
pline, and sharing weal and woe — as a 
result of which the entire army is closely 
united. Second, the principle of unity be- 

136 



tween the army and the people, which 
means maintaining a discipline that forbids 
the slightest violation of the people's in- 
terests, conducting propaganda among the 
masses, organizing and arming them, light- 
ening their economic burdens and suppress- 
ing the traitors and collaborators who do 
harm to the army and the people — as a 
result of which the army is closely united 
with the people and welcomed everywhere. 
Third, the principle of disintegrating the 
enemy troops and giving lenient treatment 
to prisoners of war. Our victory depends 
not only upon our military operations but 
also upon the disintegration of the enemy 
troops. 

"Interview with the British Jour- 
nalist James Bertram" (October 
2 5> 1937), Selected Works, Vol. 
II, p. 53.* 

Our troops must observe the correct 
principles that govern relations between the 
army and the people, between the army and 
the government, between the army and the 
Party, between officers and men, and be- 

i37 



tween military work and political work, 
and relations among the cadres, and must 
never commit the errors of warlordism. 
Officers must cherish their men and must 
not be indifferent to their well-being or 
resort to corporal punishment; the army 
must cherish the people and never encroach 
upon their interests; the army must respect 
the government and the Party and never 
"assert independence". 

"Get Organized!" (November 29, 
1943), Selected Works, Vol. Ill, 
pp. 158-59. 

Our policy towards prisoners captured 
from the Japanese, puppet or anti-Com- 
munist troops is to set them all free, ex- 
cept for those who have incurred the bitter 
hatred of the masses and must receive cap- 
ital punishment and whose death sentence 
has been approved by the higher authori- 
ties. Among the prisoners, those who were 
coerced into joining the reactionary forces 
but who are more or less inclined towards 
the revolution should be won over in large 

138 



numbers to work for our army. The rest 
should be released and, if they fight us and 
are captured again, should again be set 
free. We should not insult them, take away 
their personal effects or try to exact recan- 
tations from them, but without exception 
should treat them sincerely and kindly. This 
should be our policy, however reactionary 
they may be. It is a very effective way of 
isolating the camp of reaction. 

"On Policy" (December 25, 1940), 
Selected Works, Vol. II, pp. 446- 
47- 

Weapons are an important factor in war, 
but not the decisive factor; it is people, not 
things, that are decisive. The contest of 
strength is not only a contest of military 
and economic power, but also a contest of 
human power and morale. Military and 
economic power is necessarily wielded by 
people. 

"On Protracted War" (May 1938), 
Selected Works, Vol. II, pp. 143- 
44- 



139 



The atom bomb is a paper tiger which 
the U.S. reactionaries use to scare people. 
It looks terrible, but in fact it isn't. Of 
course, the atom bomb is a weapon of mass 
slaughter, but the outcome of a war is de- 
cided by the people, not by one or two new 
types of weapon. 

"Talk with the American Cor- 
respondent Anna Louise Strong" 
(August 1946), Selected Works, 
Vol. IV, p. 100. 

Soldiers are the foundation of an army; 
unless they are imbued with a progressive 
political spirit, and unless such a spirit is 
fostered through progressive political work, 
it will be impossible to achieve genuine 
unity between officers and men, impossible 
to arouse their enthusiasm for the War of 
Resistance to the full, and impossible to 
provide an excellent basis for the most 
effective use of all our technical equipment 
and tactics. 

"On Protracted War" (May 1938), 
Selected Works, Vol. II, p. 185.* 



140 



The purely military viewpoint is very 
highly developed among a number of com- 
rades in the Red Army. It manifests itself 
as follows: 

i. These comrades regard military 
affairs and politics as opposed to each other 
and refuse to recognize that military affairs 
are only one means of accomplishing polit- 
ical tasks. Some even say, "If you are good 
militarily, naturally you are good political- 
ly; if you are not good militarily, you can- 
not be any good politically" — this is to go 
a step further and give military affairs a 
leading position over politics. 



"On Correcting Mistaken Ideas 
in the Party" (December 1929), 
Selected Works, Vol. I, pp. 105- 
06. 



Ideological education is the key link to 
be grasped in uniting the whole Party for 
great political struggles. Unless this is done, 



141 



the Party cannot accomplish any of its 
political tasks. 

"On Coalition Government" 

(April 24, 1945), Selected Works, 
Vol. Ill, p. 315.* 

Recently there has been a falling off 
in ideological and political work among 
students and intellectuals, and some un- 
healthy tendencies have appeared. Some 
people seem to think that there is no longer 
any need to concern oneself with politics or 
with the future of the motherland and the 
ideals of mankind. It seems as if Marxism 
was once all the rage but is currently not 
so much in fashion. To counter these tend- 
encies, we must strengthen our ideological 
and political work. Both students and in- 
tellectuals should study hard. In addition 
to the study of their specialized subjects, 
they must make progress both ideologically 
and politically, which means that they 
should study Marxism-Leninism, current 
events and politics. Not to have a 
correct political point of view is like 

142 



having no soul. . . . All departments and 
organizations should shoulder their respon- 
sibilities in ideological and political work. 
This applies to the Communist Party, the 
Youth League, government departments in 
charge of this work, and especially to heads 
of educational institutions and teachers. 

On the Correct Handling of Con- 
tradictions Among the People 
(February 27, 1957), 1st pocket ed., 
pp. 43-44. 
[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 405.] 

After receiving political education, the 
Red Army soldiers have all become class- 
conscious and learned the essentials of dis- 
tributing land, setting up political power, 
arming the workers and peasants, etc., 
and they all know they are fighting for them- 
selves, for the working class and the peas- 
antry. Hence they can endure the hardships 
of the bitter struggle without complaint. 
Each company, battalion or regiment has its 
soldiers' committee which represents the in- 

143 



terests of the soldiers and carries on polit- 
ical and mass work. 

"The Struggle in the Chingkang 
Mountains" (November 25, 1928), 
Selected Works, Vol. I, p. 81.* 



The correct unfolding of the movement 
for pouring out grievances (the wrongs 
done to the labouring people by the old 
society and by the reactionaries) and the 
three check-ups (on class origin, perform- 
ance of duty and will to fight) greatly 
heightened the political consciousness of 
commanders and fighters throughout the 
army in the fight for the emancipation of 
the exploited working masses, for nation- 
wide land reform and for the destruction 
of the common enemy of the people, the 
Chiang Kai-shek bandit gang. It also great- 
ly strengthened the firm unity of all com- 
manders and fighters under the leadership 
of the Communist Party. On this basis, the 
army achieved greater purity in its ranks, 
strengthened discipline, unfolded a mass 
movement for training, and further devel- 

144 



oped its political, economic and military 
democracy in a completely well-led and 
orderly way. Thus the army has become 
united as one man, with everybody contrib- 
uting his ideas and his strength, an army 
fearless of sacrifice and capable of over- 
coming material difficulties, which displays 
mass heroism and daring in destroying the 
enemy. Such an army will be invincible. 

"On the Great Victory in the 
Northwest and on the New Type 
of Ideological Education Move- 
ment in the Liberation Army" 
(March 7, 1948), Selected Mili- 
tary Writings, 2nd ed., pp. 358-59. 
[Selected Works, Vol. IV, pp. 214-15.] 

In the last few months almost all the 
People's Liberation Army has made use of 
the intervals between battles for large-scale 
training and consolidation. This has been 
carried out in a fully guided, orderly and 
democratic way. It has therefore aroused 
the revolutionary fervour of the great 
masses of commanders and fighters, enabled 
them clearly to comprehend the aim of 
the war, eliminated certain incorrect ideo- 



145 



logical tendencies and undesirable mani- 
festations in the army, educated the cadres 
and fighters and greatly enhanced the com- 
bat effectiveness of the army. From now 
on, we must continue to carry on this new 
type of ideological education movement in 
the army, a movement which has a demo- 
cratic and mass character. 

"Speech at a Conference of 
Cadres in the Shansi-Suiyuan 
Liberated Area" (April I, 1948), 
Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 234. 

The educational policy of the college 
[the Anti-Japanese Military and Political 
College] is to cultivate a firm and correct 
political orientation, an industrious and 
simple style of work, and flexible strategy 
and tactics. These are the three essentials 
in the making of an anti-Japanese revolu- 
tionary soldier. It is in accordance with 
these essentials that the staff teach and the 
students study. 

To Be Attacked by the Enemy 
Is Not a Bad Thing but a Good 
Thing (May 26, 1939), 1st pocket 
ed., p. 3. 

146 



Our nation has always had a traditional 
style of hard struggle, which we should 
develop. . . . What is more, the Communist 
Party has always advocated a firm and cor- 
rect political orientation. . . . This orienta- 
tion is inseparable from a style of hard 
struggle. Without a firm and correct polit- 
ical orientation, it is impossible to promote 
a style of hard struggle. Without the style 
of hard struggle, it is impossible to maintain 
a firm and correct political orientation. 

"Speech at the Yenan Rally in 
Celebration of International 

Labour Day" (May I, 1939). 



Be united, alert, earnest and lively. 

Motto for the Anti-Japanese 
Military and Political College. 



What really counts in the world is con- 
scientiousness, and the Communist Party is 
most particular about being conscientious. 

Talk at a meeting with Chinese 
students and trainees in Moscow 
(November 17, 1957). 



147 



XIII. RELATIONS BETWEEN 
OFFICERS AND MEN 



Our army has always had two policies. 
First, we must be ruthless to our enemies, 
we must overpower and annihilate them. 
Second, we must be kind to our own, to 
the people, to our comrades and to our supe- 
riors and subordinates, and unite with them. 

Speech at the reception given 
by the Central Committee of the 
Party for model study delegates 
from the Rear Army Detachments 
(September 18, 1944). 



We hail from all corners of the country 
and have joined together for a common 
revolutionary objective. . . . Our cadres 
must show concern for every soldier, and 
all people in the revolutionary ranks must 



care for each other, must love and help 

each other. 

"Serve the People" (September 
8, 1944), Selected Works, Vol. 
Ill, pp. 227-28. 

A movement to support the cadres and 
cherish the soldiers should be launched in 
every army unit, calling on the cadres to 
cherish the soldiers and the soldiers to sup- 
port the cadres. They should speak up about 
each other's shortcomings and mistakes and 
quickly correct them. In this way they will 
be able to achieve a very good internal 
unity. 

"The Tasks for 1945" (December 

15, 1944)- 

Many people think that it is wrong meth- 
ods that make for strained relations be- 
tween officers and men and between the 
army and the people, but I always tell them 
that it is a question of basic attitude (or 
basic principle), of having respect for the 
soldiers and the people. It is from this at- 
titude that the various policies, methods 

149 



and forms ensue. If we depart from this at- 
titude, then the policies, methods and forms 
will certainly be wrong, and the relations 
between officers and men and between the 
army and the people are bound to be un- 
satisfactory. Our three major principles for 
the army's political work are, first, unity 
between officers and men; second, unity 
between the army and the people; and 
third, the disintegration of the enemy forces. 
To apply these principles effectively, we 
must start with this basic attitude of respect 
for the soldiers and the people, and of 
respect for the human dignity of prisoners 
of war once they have laid down their 
arms. Those who take all this as a technical 
matter and not one of basic attitude are 
indeed wrong, and they should correct their 
view. 

"On Protracted War" (May 1938), 
Selected Works, Vol. II, pp. 186- 
87. 

Communists must use the democratic 
method of persuasion and education when 
working among the labouring people and 

150 



must on no account resort to commandism 
or coercion. The Chinese Communist Party 
faithfully adheres to this Marxist-Leninist 
principle. 

On the Correct Handling of Con- 
tradictions Among the People 
(February 27, 1957), 1st pocket ed., 
p. 15.* 
[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 391.] 

Our comrades must understand that ideo- 
logical remoulding involves long-term, pa- 
tient and painstaking work, and they must 
not attempt to change people's ideology, 
which has been shaped over decades of life, 
by giving a few lectures or by holding a 
few meetings. Persuasion, not compulsion, 
is the only way to convince them. Compul- 
sion will never result in convincing them. 
To try to convince them by force simply 
won't work. This kind of method is per- 
missible in dealing with the enemy, but ab- 
solutely impermissible in dealing with com- 
rades or friends. 

Speech at the Chinese Commu- 
nist Party's National Conference 
on Propaganda Work (March 12, 
1957), 1st pocket ed., p. 23. 
[Selected Works, Vol. V, pp. 432-33.] 

151 



We must make a distinction between the 
enemy and ourselves, and we must not 
adopt an antagonistic stand towards com- 
rades and treat them as we would the 
enemy. In speaking up, one must have an 
ardent desire to protect the cause of the 
people and raise their political conscious- 
ness, and there must be no ridiculing or at- 
tacking in one's approach. 

Ibid., p. 20.* 
[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 431.] 



152 



XIV. RELATIONS 

BETWEEN THE ARMY 

AND THE PEOPLE 



The army must become one with the peo- 
ple so that they see it as their own army. 
Such an army will be invincible. . . . 

"On Protracted War" (May 1938), 
Selected Works, Vol. II, p. 186. 

Every comrade must be helped to under- 
stand that as long as we rely on the people, 
believe firmly in the inexhaustible creative 
power of the masses and hence trust and 
identify ourselves with them, we can sur- 
mount any difficulty, and no enemy can 
crush us while we can crush any enemy. 

"On Coalition Government" 

(April 24, 1945), Selected Works, 
Vol. Ill, p. 316.* 



153 



Wherever our comrades go, they must 
build good relations with the masses, be 
concerned for them and help them over- 
come their difficulties. We must unite with 
the masses; the more of the masses we unite 
with, the better. 

"On the Chungking Negotiations" 
(October 17, 1945), Selected Works, 
Vol. IV, p. 59. 

The army in the Liberated Areas must 
support the government and cherish the 
people, while the democratic governments 
must lead the people in the work of sup- 
porting the army and giving preferential 
treatment to the families of soldiers fighting 
Japan. In this way relations between the 
army and the people will become still better. 

"On Coalition Government" 

(April 24, 1945), Selected Works, 
Vol. Ill, p. 311.* 

In the army the task of supporting the 
government and cherishing the people 
should be handled through the ideological 
education of every commander and fighter, 

i54 



so that they all thoroughly understand its 
importance. As long as the army on its part 
does this job well, the local government 
and the people will also improve their rela- 
tions with the army. 

"Policy for Work in the Liber- 
ated Areas for 1946" (December 
15, 1945), Selected Works, Vol. 
IV, p. 77.* 

In the course of these campaigns, 1 the 
army on its side and the Party and the gov- 
ernment on theirs should thoroughly ex- 
amine the shortcomings and mistakes of 

1943, and should resolutely correct them in 

1944. From now on, such campaigns should 
be launched everywhere in the first month 
of every lunar year, and in the course of 
them the pledges to "support the govern- 
ment and cherish the people" and "support 
the army and give preferential treatment 



1 Campaigns to "support the government and 
cherish the people" and to "support the army and 
give preferential treatment to the families of 
soldiers fighting Japan". — Tr. 



155 



to the families of soldiers fighting Japan" 
should be read out time and again, 
and there should be repeated self-criticism 
before the masses of any high-handed be- 
haviour by the troops in the base areas 
towards the Party or government per- 
sonnel or towards civilians, or of any lack 
of concern for the troops shown by the 
Party or government personnel or the civil- 
ians (each side criticizing itself and not the 
other) in order that these shortcomings and 
mistakes may be thoroughly corrected. 

"Spread the Campaigns to Re- 
duce Rent, Increase Production 
and 'Support the Government and 
Cherish the People' in the Base 
Areas" (October I, 1943), Selected 
Works, Vol. Ill, p. 135.* 



156 



XV. DEMOCRACY IN THE 
THREE MAIN FIELDS 



A proper measure of democracy should 
be put into effect in the army, chiefly by 
abolishing the feudal practice of bullying 
and beating and by having officers and men 
share weal and woe. Once this is done, 
unity will be achieved between officers and 
men, the combat effectiveness of the army 
will be greatly increased, and there will be 
no doubt of our ability to sustain the long, 
cruel war. 

"On Protracted War" (May 1938), 
Selected Works, Vol. II, p. 186. 

Apart from the role played by the Party, 
the reason why the Red Army has been 
able to carry on in spite of such poor 



157 



material conditions and such frequent en- 
gagements is its practice of democracy. The 
officers do not beat the men; officers and 
men receive equal treatment; soldiers are 
free to hold meetings and to speak out; 
trivial formalities have been done away 
with; and the accounts are open for all to 
inspect. ... In China the army needs de- 
mocracy as much as the people do. Democ- 
racy in our army is an important weapon 
for undermining the feudal mercenary army. 

"The Struggle in the Chingkang 
Mountains" (November 25, 1928), 
Selected Works, Vol. I, p. 83. 

The policy for political work in our army 
units is fully to arouse the rank and file, 
the commanders and all working personnel 
in order to achieve three major objectives 
through a democratic movement under cen- 
tralized leadership, namely, a high degree 
of political unity, better living conditions, 
and better military technique and tactics. 
The Three Check-ups and Three Improve- 



rs 



ments 1 now being enthusiastically carried 
out in our army units are intended to attain 
the first two of these objectives through the 
methods of political and economic de- 
mocracy. 

With regard to economic democracy, the 
representatives elected by the soldiers must 
be ensured the right to assist (but not to 
bypass) the company leadership in man- 
aging the company's supplies and mess. 

With regard to military democracy, in 
periods of training there must be mutual 
instruction as between officers and soldiers 



1 The "Three Check-ups" and "Three Improve- 
ments" constituted an important movement for 
Party consolidation and for ideological education 
in the army which was carried out by our Party 
in conjunction with the land reform during the 
People's War of Liberation. In the localities, the 
"Three Check-ups" meant checking on class origin, 
ideology and style of work; in the armed units, 
the check-ups were on class origin, performance of 
duty and will to fight. The "Three Improvements" 
meant organizational consolidation, ideological 
education and rectification of style of work. 



159 



and among the soldiers themselves; and in 
periods of fighting the companies at the 
front must hold big and small meetings of 
various kinds. Under the direction of the 
company leadership, the rank and file 
should be roused to discuss how to attack 
and capture enemy positions and how to 
fulfil other combat tasks. When the fight- 
ing lasts several days, several such meet- 
ings should be held. This kind of military 
democracy was practised with great success 
in the battle of Panlung in northern Shensi 
and in the battle of Shihchiachuang in the 
Shansi-Chahar-Hopei area. It has been 
proved that the practice can only do good 
and can do no harm whatsoever. 

"The Democratic Movement in 
the Army" (January 30, 1948), 
Selected Military Writings, 2nd 
ed., p. 353. 
[Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 191.] 

In the present great struggle, the Chinese 
Communist Party demands that all its lead- 
ing bodies and all its members and cadres 
should give the fullest expression to their 
initiative, which alone can ensure victory. 

160 



This initiative must be demonstrated con- 
cretely in the ability of the leading bodies, 
the cadres and the Party rank and file to 
work creatively, in their readiness to as- 
sume responsibility, in the exuberant vigour 
they show in their work, in their courage 
and ability to raise questions, voice opinions 
and criticize defects, and in the comradely 
supervision that is maintained over the 
leading bodies and the leading cadres. 
Otherwise, "initiative" will be an empty 
thing. But the exercise of such initiative 
depends on the spread of democracy in 
Party life. It cannot be brought into play 
if there is not enough democracy in Party 
life. Only in an atmosphere of democracy 
can large numbers of able people be 
brought forward. 

"The Role of the Chinese Com- 
munist Party in the National 
War" (October 1938), Selected 
Works, Vol. II, p. 204. 

Anyone should be allowed to speak out, 
whoever he may be, so long as he is not a 

161 



hostile element and does not make mali- 
cious attacks, and it does not matter if he 
says something wrong. Leaders at all 
levels have the duty to listen to others. 
Two principles must be observed: (i) Say 
all you know and say it without reserve; 
(2) Don't blame the speaker but take his 
words as a warning. Unless the principle 
of "Don't blame the speaker" is observed 
genuinely and not falsely, the result will 
not be "Say all you know and say it without 
reserve". 

"The Tasks for 1945" (December 
15, 1944)- 



Education in democracy must be carried 
on within the Party so that members can 
understand the meaning of democratic life, 
the meaning of the relationship between 
democracy and centralism, and the way in 
which democratic centralism should be put 
into practice. Only in this way can we 
really extend democracy within the Party 
and at the same time avoid ultra-democracy 

162 



and the laissez-faire which destroys dis- 
cipline. 

"The Role of the Chinese Com- 
munist Party in the National 
War" (October 1938), Selected 
Works, Vol. II, p. 205.* 

Both in the army and in the local organi- 
zations, inner-Party democracy is meant to 
strengthen discipline and increase combat 
effectiveness, not to weaken them. 

Ibid. 

In the sphere of theory, destroy the roots 
of ultra-democracy. First, it should be 
pointed out that the danger of ultra- 
democracy lies in the fact that it damages 
or even completely wrecks the Party or- 
ganization and weakens or even completely 
undermines the Party's fighting capacity, 
rendering the Party incapable of fulfilling 
its fighting tasks and thereby causing the 
defeat of the revolution. Next, it should 
be pointed out that the source of ultra- 
democracy consists in the petty bourgeoisie's 
individualistic aversion to discipline. When 

163 



this characteristic is brought into the Party, 
it develops into ultra-democratic ideas 
politically and organizationally. These ideas 
are utterly incompatible with the fighting 
tasks of the proletariat. 

"On Correcting Mistaken Ideas in 
the Party" (December 1929), Se- 
lected Works, Vol. I, p. 108. 



164 



XVI. EDUCATION 

AND THE TRAINING 

OF TROOPS 



Our educational policy must enable 
everyone who receives an education to 
develop morally, intellectually and physical- 
ly and become a worker with both socialist 
consciousness and culture. 

On the Correct Handling of Con- 
tradictions Among the People 
(February 27, 1957), 1st pocket ed., 

P- 44- 

[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 405.] 

As for education for cadres whether at 
work or in schools for cadres, a policy 
should be established of focusing such edu- 
cation on the study of the practical prob- 
lems of the Chinese revolution and using 

165 



the basic principles of Marxism-Leninism 
as the guide, and the method of studying 
Marxism-Leninism statically and in isola- 
tion should be discarded. 

"Reform Our Study" (May 1941), 
Selected Works, Vol. Ill, p. 24. 



For a military school, the most important 
question is the selection of a director and 
instructors and the adoption of an educa- 
tional policy. 

"Problems of Strategy in China's 
Revolutionary War" (December 
1936), Selected Works, Vol. I, 
p. 185.* 



A school of a hundred people certainly 
cannot be run well if it does not have a 
leading group of several people, or a dozen 
or more, which is formed in accordance 
with the actual circumstances (and not 
thrown together artificially) and is com- 
posed of the most active, upright and alert of 

166 



the teachers, the other staff and the stu- 
dents. 

"Some Questions Concerning 
Methods of Leadership" (June I, 
1943), Selected Works, Vol. Ill, 
pp. 118-19. 

All officers and fighters of our army must 
improve their military art, march forward 
courageously towards certain victory in the 
war and resolutely, thoroughly, wholly and 
completely wipe out all enemies. 

"Manifesto of the Chinese Peo- 
ple's Liberation Army" (October 
1947), Selected Military Writings, 
2nd ed., p. 340. 
[Selected Works, Vol. IV, P- 152.] 

Equal importance should be attached to 
the military and political aspects of the 
one-year consolidation and training pro- 
gramme which has just begun, and the two 
aspects should be integrated. At the start, 
stress should be placed on the political 
aspect, on improving relations between 
officers and men, enhancing internal unity 

167 



and arousing a high level of enthusiasm 
among the masses of cadres and fighters. 
Only thus will the military consolidation and 
training proceed smoothly and attain better 
results. 

"The Tasks for 1945" (December 
5, 1944)- 



As for the method of training, we should 
unfold the mass training movement in 
which officers teach soldiers, soldiers teach 
officers and the soldiers teach each other. 

"Policy for Work in the Liber- 
ated Areas for 1946" (Decem- 
ber 15, 1945), Selected Works, Vol. 
IV, p. 76. 



Our slogan in training troops is, "Officers 
teach soldiers, soldiers teach officers and 
soldiers teach each other". The fighters 
have a lot of practical combat experience. 
The officers should learn from the fighters, 
and when they have made other people's 

168 



experience their own, they will become 
more capable. 

"A Talk to the Editorial Staff 
of the Shansi-Suiyuan Daily" 
(April 2, 1948), Selected Works, 
Vol. IV, pp. 243. 



As for the training courses, the main ob- 
jective should still be to raise the level 
of technique in marksmanship, bayoneting, 
grenade-throwing and the like and the secon- 
dary objective should be to raise the level 
of tactics, while special emphasis should be 
laid on night operations. 

"Policy for Work in the Liberated 
Areas for 1946" (December 15, 
1945), Selected Works, Vol. IV, 
p. 76.* 



169 



XVII. SERVING THE 
PEOPLE 



We should be modest and prudent, guard 
against arrogance and rashness, and serve 
the Chinese people heart and soul. . . . 

"China's Two Possible Destinies" 
(April 23, 1945), Selected Works, 
Vol. Ill, p. 253. 



Our point of departure is to serve the 
people whole-heartedly and never for a 
moment divorce ourselves from the masses, 
to proceed in all cases from the interests 
of the people and not from one's self-interest 
or from the interests of a small group, and 
to identify our responsibility to the peo- 



170 



pie with our responsibility to the leading 
organs of the Party. 

"On Coalition Government" 

(April 24, 1945), Selected Works, 
Vol. Ill, p. 315.* 

The organs of state must practise demo- 
cratic centralism, they must rely on the 
masses and their personnel must serve 
the people. 

On the Correct Handling of Con- 
tradictions Among the People 
(February 27, 1957), 1st pocket ed., 
p. 8.* 
[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 387.] 

Comrade Bethune's spirit, his utter de- 
votion to others without any thought of 
self, was shown in his boundless sense of re- 
sponsibility in his work and his boundless 
warm-heartedness towards all comrades and 
the people. Every Communist must learn 
from him. 



We must all learn the spirit of abso- 
lute selflessness from him. With this spirit 



171 



everyone can be very useful to the people. 
A man's ability may be great or small, but 
if he has this spirit, he is already noble- 
minded and pure, a man of moral integrity 
and above vulgar interests, a man who is 
of value to the people. 

"Memory of Norman Bethune" 
(December 21, 1939), Selected 
Works, Vol. II, pp. 337-38.* 



Our Communist Party and the Eighth 
Route and New Fourth Armies led by our 
Party are battalions of the revolution. 
These battalions of ours are wholly ded- 
icated to the liberation of the people and 
world entirely in the people's interests. 

"Serve the People" (September 
8, 1944), Selected Works, Vol. Ill, 
p. 227. 



All our cadres, whatever their rank, 
are servants of the people, and whatever 
we do is to serve the people. How then 



172 



can we be reluctant to discard any of our 
bad traits? 

"The Tasks for 1945" (December 
5, 1944)- 



Our duty is to hold ourselves responsible 
to the people. Every word, every act and 
every policy must conform to the people's 
interests, and if mistakes occur, they must 
be corrected — that is what being respon- 
sible to the people means. 

"The Situation and Our Policy 
After the Victory in the War 
of Resistance Against Japan" 
(August 13, 1945), Selected Works, 
Vol. IV, p. 16. 



Wherever there is struggle there is sacri- 
fice, and death is a common occurrence. 
But we have the interests of the people and 
the sufferings of the great majority at heart, 
and when we die for the people it is a 



173 



worthy death. Nevertheless, we should do 
our best to avoid unnecessary sacrifices. 

"Serve the People" (September 8, 
1944), Selected Works, Vol. Ill, 
p. 228. 

All men must die, but death can vary 
in its significance. The ancient Chinese 
writer Szuma Chien said, "Though death 
befalls all men alike, it may be heavier 
than Mount Tai or lighter than a feather." 
To die for the people is heavier than 
Mount Tai, but to work for the fascists and 
die for the exploiters and oppressors is 
lighter than a feather. 

Ibid., p. 227. 



174 



XVIII. PATRIOTISM AND 
INTERNATIONALISM 



Can a Communist, who is an internation- 
alist, at the same time be a patriot? We 
hold that he not only can be but must be. 
The specific content of patriotism is deter- 
mined by historical conditions. There is 
the "patriotism" of the Japanese aggressors 
and of Hitler, and there is our patriotism. 
Communists must resolutely oppose the 
"patriotism" of the Japanese aggressors and 
of Hitler. The Communists of Japan and 
Germany are defeatists with regard to the 
wars being waged by their countries. To 
bring about the defeat of the Japanese 
aggressors and of Hitler by every possible 
means is in the interests of the Japanese 
and the German people, and the more com- 
plete the defeat the better. . . . For the 



175 



wars launched by the Japanese aggressors 
and Hitler are harming the people at home as 
well as the people of the world. China's 
case, however, is different, because she is the 
victim of aggression. Chinese Communists 
must therefore combine patriotism with in- 
ternationalism. We are at once international- 
ists and patriots, and our slogan is, "Fight to 
defend the motherland against the aggres- 
sors." For us defeatism is a crime and to 
strive for victory in the War of Resistance 
is an inescapable duty. For only by fight- 
ing in defence of the motherland can we 
defeat the aggressors and achieve national 
liberation. And only by achieving national 
liberation will it be possible for the prole- 
tariat and other working people to achieve 
their own emancipation. The victory of 
China and the defeat of the invading im- 
perialists will help the people of other 
countries. Thus in wars of national libera- 
tion patriotism is applied internationalism. 

"The Role of the Chinese Com- 
munist Party in the National 
War" (October 1938), Selected 
Works, Vol. II, p. 196.* 

176 



What kind of spirit is this that makes a 
foreigner selflessly adopt the cause of the 
Chinese people's liberation as his own? It 
is the spirit of internationalism, the spirit 
of communism, from which every Chinese 
Communist must learn. . . . We must unite 
with the proletariat of all the capitalist 
countries, with the proletariat of Japan, 
Britain, the United States, Germany, Italy 
and all other capitalist countries, before it 
is possible to overthrow imperialism, to 
liberate our nation and people, and to 
liberate the other nations and peoples of 
the world. This is our internationalism, 
the internationalism with which we oppose 
both narrow nationalism and narrow 
patriotism. 

"Memory of Norman Bethune" 
(December 21, 1939), Selected 
Works, Vol. II, pp. 337.* 

In the fight for complete liberation the 
oppressed people rely first of all on their 
own struggle and then, and only then, on 
international assistance. The people who 



177 



have triumphed in their own revolution 
should help those still struggling for libera- 
tion. This is our internationalist duty. 

Talk with African friends 
(August 8, 1963). 

The socialist countries are states of an 
entirely new type in which the exploiting 
classes have been overthrown and the work- 
ing people are in power. The principle of 
integrating internationalism with patriotism 
is practised in the relations between 
these countries. We are closely bound by 
common interests and common ideals. 

"Speech at the Meeting of the 
Supreme Soviet of the U.S.S.R. 
in Celebration of the 40th An- 
niversary of the Great October 
Socialist Revolution" (November 
6, 1957)- 

The people of the countries in the so- 
cialist camp should unite, the people of the 
countries in Asia, Africa and Latin Ameri- 
ca should unite, the people of all the con- 
tinents should unite, all peace-loving 

178 



countries should unite, and all countries 
subjected to U.S. aggression, control, inter- 
vention or bullying should unite, and so 
form the broadest united front to oppose 
the U.S. imperialist policies of aggression 
and war and to defend world peace. 

"Statement Supporting the Pana- 
manian People's Just Patriotic 
Struggle Against U.S. Imperial- 
ism" (August 8, 1963), People 
of the World, Unite and Defeat 
the U.S. Aggressors and All 
Their Lackeys, 2nd ed., p. 9. 



Things develop ceaselessly. It is only 
forty-five years since the Revolution of 
1911, but the face of China has com- 
pletely changed. In another forty-five years, 
that is, in the year 2001, or the beginning 
of the 21st century, China will have under- 
gone an even greater change. She will have 
become a powerful socialist industrial 
country. And that is as it should be. 
China is a land with an area of 9,600,000 
square kilometres and a population of 600 



179 



million people, and she ought to have made 
a greater contribution to humanity. Her 
contribution over a long period has been 
far too small. For this we are regretful. 
But we must be modest — not only now, 
but forty-five years hence as well. We 
should always be modest. In our inter- 
national relations, we Chinese people 
should get rid of great-power chauvinism 
resolutely, thoroughly, wholly and com- 
pletely. 

"In Commemoration of Dr. Sun 
Yat-sen" (November 1956). 
[Selected Works, Vol. V, pp. 330-31.] 



We must never adopt an arrogant attitude 
of great-power chauvinism and become 
conceited because of the victory of our 
revolution and certain achievements in our 
construction. Every nation, big or small, 
has its strong and weak points. 

"Opening Address at the Eighth 
National Congress of the Com- 
munist Party of China" (Septem- 
ber 15, 1956). 



XIX. REVOLUTIONARY 
HEROISM 



This army has an indomitable spirit and 
is determined to vanquish all enemies and 
never to yield. No matter what the diffi- 
culties and hardships, so long as a single 
man remains, he will fight on. 

"On Coalition Government" 

(April 24, 1945), Selected Works, 
Vol. Ill, p. 264.* 

Give full play to our style of fighting — 
courage in battle, no fear of sacrifice, no 
fear of fatigue, and continuous fighting (that 
is, fighting successive battles in a short time 
without rest). 

"The Present Situation and Our 
Tasks" (December 25, 1947), Se- 
lected Works, Vol. IV, p. 161. 



Thousands upon thousands of martyrs 
have heroically laid down their lives for 
the people; let us hold their banner high 
and march ahead along the path crimson 
with their blood! 

"On Coalition Government" 

(April 24, 1945), Selected Works, 
Vol. Ill, p. 318. 



Be resolute, fear no sacrifice and sur- 
mount every difficulty to win victory. 

"The Foolish Old Man Who Re- 
moved the Mountains" (June 11, 
1945), Selected Works, Vol. Ill, 
p. 321.* 



At a critical moment in the progress of 
the Northern Expedition, . . . the treacherous 
and reactionary policies of "party purge" 
and massacre adopted by the Kuomintang 
authorities wrecked this national united 
front — the united front of the Kuomintang, 



the Communist Party and all sections of 
the people, which embodied the Chinese 
people's cause of liberation — and all its 
revolutionary policies. . . . Thereupon unity 
was replaced by civil war, democracy by 
dictatorship, and a China full of brightness 
by a China covered in darkness. But the 
Chinese Communist Party and the Chinese 
people were neither cowed nor conquered 
nor exterminated. They picked themselves 
up, wiped off the blood, buried their fallen 
comrades and went into battle again. Hold- 
ing high the great standard of revolution, 
they rose in armed resistance and over a 
vast territory in China they set up people's 
governments, carried out land reform, built 
up a people's army — the Chinese Red 
Army — and preserved and expanded the 
revolutionary forces of the Chinese people. 

"On Coalition Government" 

(April 24, 1945), Selected Works, 
Vol. Ill, p. 261.* 



You have many good qualities and have 
rendered great service, but you must al- 



ways remember not to become conceited. 
You are respected by all, and quite rightly, 
but this easily leads to conceit. If you 
become conceited, if you are not modest 
and cease to exert yourselves, and if you 
do not respect others, do not respect the 
cadres and the masses, then you will cease 
to be heroes and models. There have been 
such people in the past, and I hope you 
will not follow their example. 

"We Must Learn to Do Econom- 
ic Work" (January 10, 1945), 
Selected Works, Vol. Ill, p. 239. 



In the fight to wipe out the enemy and 
to restore and increase industrial and agri- 
cultural production, you have overcome 
many difficulties and hardships and dem- 
onstrated immense courage, wisdom and 
initiative. You are models for the whole 
Chinese nation, the backbone of the victo- 
rious advance of the people's cause in all 
spheres, pillars of support to the People's 

184 



Government and bridges linking the Peo- 
ple's Government with the great masses. 

Message of greetings on behalf 
of the Central Committee of the 
Chinese Communist Party to the 
Meeting of Representatives of 
National Combat Heroes and 
Model Workers (September 25, 
1950). 

We the Chinese nation have the spirit to 
fight the enemy to the last drop of our blood, 
the determination to recover our lost territory 
by our own efforts, and the ability to stand 
on our own feet in the family of nations. 

"On Tactics Against Japanese Im- 
perialism" (December 27, 1935), 
Selected Works, Vol. I, p. 170.* 



185 



XX. BUILDING OUR 

COUNTRY THROUGH 

DILIGENCE AND FRUGALITY 



We must see to it that all our cadres and 
all our people constantly bear in mind that 
ours is a big socialist country but an 
economically backward and poor one, and 
that this is a very great contradiction. To 
make China rich and strong needs several 
decades of intense effort, which will 
include, among other things, the effort to 
practise strict economy and combat waste, 
i.e., the policy of building up our country 
through diligence and frugality. 

On the Correct Handling of Con- 
tradictions Among the People 
(February 27, 1957), 1st pocket ed., 
p. 71. 
[Selected Works, Vol. V, pp. 418-19.] 

186 



Diligence and frugality should be prac- 
tised in running factories and shops and all 
state-owned, co-operative and other enter- 
prises. The principle of diligence and fru- 
gality should be observed in everything. 
This principle of economy is one of the 
basic principles of socialist economics. 
China is a big country, but she is still very 
poor. It will take several decades to 
make China prosperous. Even then we 
will still have to observe the principle of 
diligence and frugality. But it is in the 
coming few decades, during the present 
series of five-year plans, that we must 
particularly advocate diligence and fru- 
gality, that we must pay special attention to 
economy. 

Introductory note to "Running 
a Co-operative Diligently and 
Frugally" (1955), The Socialist 
Upsurge in China's Countryside, 
Chinese ed., Vol. I. 
[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 265.] 

Wherever we happen to be, we must 
treasure our manpower and material re- 
sources, and must not take a short view 

187 



and indulge in wastefulness and extrava- 
gance. Wherever we are, from the very 
first year of our work we must bear in mind 
the many years to come, the protracted war 
that must be maintained, the counter-offen- 
sive, and the work of reconstruction after 
the enemy's expulsion. On the one hand, 
never be wasteful or extravagant; on the 
other, actively expand production. Pre- 
viously, in some places people suffered a 
great deal because they did not take the 
long view and neglected economy in man- 
power and material resources and the ex- 
pansion of production. The lesson is there 
and attention must be called to it. 

"We Must Learn to Do Economic 
Work" (January 10, 1945), Selected 
Works, Vol. Ill, p. 244. 



In order to speed up this restoration and 
development [of agricultural production 
and industrial production in small towns], 
we must do our utmost, in the course of 
our struggle for the abolition of the feudal 
system, to preserve all useful means of pro- 



duction and of livelihood, take resolute 
measures against anyone's destroying or 
wasting them, oppose extravagant eating 
and drinking and pay attention to thrift and 
economy. 

"Speech at a Conference of 
Cadres in the Shansi-Suiyuan 
Liberated Area" (April i, 1948), 
Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 238. 

Thrift should be the guiding principle in 
our government expenditure. It should be 
made clear to all government workers that 
corruption and waste are very great crimes. 
Our campaigns against corruption and 
waste have already achieved some results, 
but further efforts are required. Our system 
of accounting must be guided by the prin- 
ciple of saving every copper for the war 
effort, for the revolutionary cause and for 
our economic construction. 

"Our Economic Policy" (January 
23, 1934), Selected Works, Vol. I, 
p. 145. 



A dangerous tendency has shown itself 
of late among many of our personnel — an 
unwillingness to share the joys and hard- 
ships of the masses, a concern for personal 
fame and gain. This is very bad. One 
way of overcoming it is to simplify our or- 
ganizations in the course of our campaign 
to increase production and practise econo- 
my, and to transfer cadres to lower levels 
so that a considerable number will return 
to productive work. 

On the Correct Handling of Con- 
tradictions Among the People 
(February 27, 1957), 1st pocket ed., 
p. 71. 
[Selected Works, Vol. V, pp. 418-19.] 

Production by the army for its own sup- 
port has not only improved the army's 
living conditions and lightened the burden 
on the people, thereby making it possible 
further to expand the army. In addition, 
it has had many immediate side-effects. They 
are as follows: 

(1) Improved relations between offi- 
cers and men. Officers and men work 



190 



together in production and become like 
brothers. 

(2) Better attitude to labour. . . . since 
the army began to produce for its own 
support, the attitude to labour has im- 
proved and loafer ways have been over- 
come. 

(3) Strengthened discipline. Far from 
weakening discipline in battle and in 
army life, labour discipline in production 
actually strengthens it. 

(4) Improved relations between the 
army and the people. Once an armed 
force begins to "keep house" for itself, 
encroachments upon the property of the 
people seldom or never occur. As the 
army and the people exchange labour 
and help each other in production, the 
friendship between them is strengthened. 

(5) Less grumbling in the army about 
the government and improved relations 
between the two. 

(6) An impetus to the great production 
campaign of the people. Once the army 
engages in production, the need for gov- 
ernment and other organizations to do 



191 



likewise becomes more obvious, and they 
do so more energetically; also, the need 
for a universal campaign of the whole 
people to increase production naturally 
becomes more obvious, and this too is 
carried on more energetically. 

"On Production by the Army for 
Its Own Support and on the Im- 
portance of the Great Move- 
ments for Rectification and for 
Production" (April 27, 1945), Se- 
lected Works, Vol. Ill, pp. 327- 
28.* 



Some people say that if the army units 
go in for production, they will be unable 
to train or fight and that if the govern- 
ment and other organizations do so, they 
will be unable to do their own work. This 
is a false argument. In recent years our 
army units in the Border Region have un- 
dertaken production on a big scale to pro- 
vide themselves with ample food and 
clothing and have simultaneously done 
their training and conducted their political 
studies and literacy and other courses much 

192 



more successfully than before, and there is 
greater unity than ever within the army 
and between the army and the people. 
While there was a large-scale production 
campaign at the front last year, great suc- 
cesses were gained in the fighting and in 
addition an extensive training campaign 
was started. And thanks to production, the 
personnel of the government and other 
organizations live a better life and work 
with greater devotion and efficiency; this 
is the case both in the Border Region and 
at the front. 

"We Must Learn to Do Econom- 
ic Work" (January 10, 1945), Se- 
lected Works, Vol. Ill, p. 243-44. 



193 



XXI. SELF-RELIANCE AND 
ARDUOUS STRUGGLE 



On what basis should our policy rest? 
It should rest on our own strength, and 
that means regeneration through one's own 
efforts. We are not alone; all the countries 
and people in the world opposed to im- 
perialism are our friends. Nevertheless, we 
stress regeneration through our own efforts. 
Relying on the forces we ourselves organ- 
ize, we can defeat all Chinese and foreign 
reactionaries. 

"The Situation and Our Policy 
After the Victory in the War 
of Resistance Against Japan" 
(August 13, 1945), Selected Works, 
Vol. IV, p. 20. 

We stand for self-reliance. We hope for 
foreign aid but cannot be dependent on it; 



194 



we depend on our own efforts, on the crea- 
tive power of the whole army and the 
entire people. 

"We Must Learn to Do Econom- 
ic Work" (January 10, 1945), 
Selected Works, Vol. Ill, p. 241. 



To win country-wide victory is only the 
first step in a long march of ten thousand 
li. . . . The Chinese revolution is great, but 
the road after the revolution will be longer, 
the work greater and more arduous. This 
must be made clear now in the Party. The 
comrades must be helped to remain modest, 
prudent and free from arrogance and rash- 
ness in their style of work. The comrades 
must be helped to preserve the style of 
plain living and hard struggle. 

"Report to the Second Plenary 
Session of the Seventh Central 
Committee of the Communist 
Party of China" (March 5, 1949), 
Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 374.* 



195 



We must thoroughly clear away all ideas 
among our cadres of winning easy victories 
through good luck, without hard and bitter 
struggle, without sweat and blood. 

"Build Stable Base Areas in the 
Northeast" (December 28, 1945), 
Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 84. 

We should carry on constant propaganda 
among the people on the facts of world 
progress and the bright future ahead so 
that they will build their confidence in vic- 
tory. At the same time, we must tell the 
people and tell our comrades that there 
will be twists and turns in our road. There 
are still many obstacles and difficulties 
along the road of revolution. The Seventh 
Congress of our Party assumed that the 
difficulties would be many, for we preferred 
to assume there would be more difficulties 
rather than less. Some comrades do not 
like to think much about difficulties. But 
difficulties are facts; we must recognize as 
many difficulties as there are and should 
not adopt a "policy of non-recognition". We 

196 



must recognize difficulties, analyse them 
and combat them. There are no straight 
roads in the world; we must be prepared to 
follow a road which twists and turns and 
not try to get things on the cheap. It must 
not be imagined that one fine morning all 
the reactionaries will go down on their 
knees of their own accord. In a word, 
while the prospects are bright, the road has 
twists and turns. There are still many 
difficulties ahead which we must not over- 
look. By uniting with the entire people in 
a common effort, we can certainly overcome 
all difficulties and win victory. 

"On the Chungking Negotiations" 
(October 17, 1945), Selected Works, 
Vol. IV, pp. 59-60. 

Anyone who sees only the bright side 
but not the difficulties cannot fight effec- 
tively for the accomplishment of the Party's 
tasks. 

"On Coalition Government" 

(April 24, 1945), Selected Works, 
Vol. Ill, p. 314. 

197 



The wealth of society is created by the 
workers, peasants and working intellectuals. 
If they take their destiny into their own 
hands, follow a Marxist-Leninist line and 
take an active attitude in solving problems 
instead of evading them, there will be no 
difficulty in the world which they cannot 
overcome. 

Introductory note to "The Party 
Secretary Takes the Lead and 
All the Party Members Help 
Run the Co-operatives (19 55), 
The Socialist Upsurge in China's 
Countryside, Chinese ed., Vol. I. 
[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 244.] 

The comrades throughout the Party must 
take all this fully into account and be pre- 
pared to overcome all difficulties with an 
indomitable will and in a planned way. 
The reactionary forces and we both have 
difficulties. But the difficulties of the reac- 
tionary forces are insurmountable because 
they are forces on the verge of death and 
have no future. Our difficulties can be 



overcome because we are new and rising 
forces and have a bright future. 

"Greet the New High Tide of 
the Chinese Revolution" (Febru- 
ary I, 1947), Selected Works, Vol. 
IV, p. 125. 

In times of difficulty we must not lose 
sight of our achievements, must see the 
bright future and must pluck up our 
courage. 

"Serve the People" (September 8, 
1944), Selected Works, Vol. Ill, 
pp. 227-28. 

New things always have to experience 
difficulties and setbacks as they grow. It 
is sheer fantasy to imagine that the cause of 
socialism is all plain sailing and easy suc- 
cess, without difficulties and setbacks or the 
exertion of tremendous efforts. 

On the Correct Handling of Con- 
tradictions Among the People 
(February 27, 1957), 1st pocket ed., 
pp. 32-33. 
[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 400.] 



199 



At certain times in the revolutionary 
struggle, the difficulties outweigh the fa- 
vourable conditions and so constitute the 
principal aspect of the contradiction and 
the favourable conditions constitute the 
secondary aspect. But through their efforts- 
the revolutionaries can overcome the diffi- 
culties step by step and open up a favour- 
able new situation; thus a difficult situation 
yields place to a favourable one. 

"On Contradiction" (August 1937), 
Selected Works, Vol. I, p. 335. 

What is work? Work is struggle. There 
are difficulties and problems in those places 
for us to overcome and solve. We go there 
to work and struggle to overcome these 
difficulties. A good comrade is one who 
is more eager to go where the difficulties 
are greater. 

"On the Chungking Negotiations" 
(October 17, 1945), Selected 
Works, Vol. IV, p. 58. 



There is an ancient Chinese fable called 
"The Foolish Old Man Who Removed the 
Mountains". It tells of an old man who 
lived in northern China long, long ago and 
was known as the Foolish Old Man of 
North Mountain. His house faced south 
and beyond his doorway stood the two 
great peaks, Taihang and Wangwu, ob- 
structing the way. With great determi- 
nation, he led his sons in digging up 
these mountains hoe in hand. Another 
greybeard, known as the Wise Old Man, 
saw them and said derisively, "How silly 
of you to do this! It is quite impossible for 
you few to dig up these two huge moun- 
tains." The Foolish Old Man replied, 
"When I die, my sons will carry on; when 
they die, there will be my grandsons, and 
then their sons and grandsons, and so on 
to infinity. High as they are, the moun- 
tains cannot grow any higher and with 
every bit we dig, they will be that much 
lower. Why can't we clear them away?" 
Having refuted the Wise Old Man's wrong 
view, he went on digging every day, un- 
shaken in his conviction. God was moved 



by this, and he sent down two angels, who 
carried the mountains away on their backs. 
Today, two big mountains lie like a dead 
weight on the Chinese people. One is im- 
perialism, the other is feudalism. The 
Chinese Communist Party has long made 
up its mind to dig them up. We must 
persevere and work unceasingly, and we, 
too, will touch God's heart. Our God is 
none other than the masses of the Chinese 
people. If they stand up and dig together 
with us, why can't these two mountains be 
cleared away? 

"The Foolish Old Man Who Re- 
moved the Mountains" (June II, 
1945), Selected Works, Vol. Ill, 
p. 322.* 



XXII. METHODS OF 

THINKING AND METHODS 

OF WORK 



The history of mankind is one of con- 
tinuous development from the realm of 
necessity to the realm of freedom. This 
process is never-ending. In any society in 
which classes exist class struggle will 
never end. In classless society the strug- 
gle between the new and the old and 
between truth and falsehood will never 
end. In the fields of the struggle for pro- 
duction and scientific experiment, mankind 
makes constant progress and nature un- 
dergoes constant change; they never remain 
at the same level. Therefore, man has 
constantly to sum up experience and go 
on discovering, inventing, creating and 



203 



advancing. Ideas of stagnation, pessimism, 
inertia and complacency are all wrong. 
They are wrong because they agree neither 
with the historical facts of social develop- 
ment over the past million years, nor 
with the historical facts of nature so far 
known to us (i.e., nature as revealed in the 
history of celestial bodies, the earth, life, 
and other natural phenomena). 

Quoted in "Premier Chou En- 
lai's Report on the Work of the 
Government to the First Session 
of the Third National People's Con- 
gress of the People's Republic 
of China" (December 21-22, 1964). 



Natural science is one of man's weapons 
in his fight for freedom. For the purpose 
of attaining freedom in society, man must 
use social science to understand and change 
society and carry out social revolution. For 
the purpose of attaining freedom in the 
world of nature, man must use natural 
science to understand, conquer and change 

204 



nature and thus attain freedom from 
nature. 

Speech at the inaugural meeting 
of the Natural Science Research 
Society of the Border Region 
(February 5, 1940). 

The Marxist philosophy of dialectical 
materialism has two outstanding character- 
istics. One is its class nature: it openly 
avows that dialectical materialism is in the 
service of the proletariat. The other is its 
practicality: it emphasizes the dependence 
of theory on practice, emphasizes that 
theory is based on practice and in turn 
serves practice. 

"On Practice" (July 1937), Se- 
lected Works, Vol. I, p. 297. 

Marxist philosophy holds that the most 
important problem does not lie in under- 
standing the laws of the objective world 
and thus being able to explain it, but in 
applying the knowledge of these laws 
actively to change the world. 

Ibid., p. 304. 
205 



Where do correct ideas come from? Do 
they drop from the skies? No. Are they 
innate in the mind? No. They come from 
social practice, and from it alone; they 
come from three kinds of social practice, 
the struggle for production, the class 
struggle and scientific experiment. 

Where Do Correct Ideas Come 
from? (May 1963), 1st pocket ed., 
p. I. 



It is man's social being that determines 
his thinking. Once the correct ideas charac- 
teristic of the advanced class are grasped 
by the masses, these ideas turn into a ma- 
terial force which changes society and 
changes the world. 

Ibid. 



In their social practice, men engage in 
various kinds of struggle and gain rich ex- 
perience, both from their successes and from 
their failures. Countless phenomena of the 
objective external world are reflected in a 

206 



man's brain through his five sense organs — 
the organs of sight, hearing, smell, taste 
and touch. At first, knowledge is percep- 
tual. The leap to conceptual knowledge, 
i.e., to ideas, occurs when sufficient per- 
ceptual knowledge is accumulated. This is 
one process in cognition. It is the first stage 
in the whole process of cognition, the stage 
leading from objective matter to subjective 
consciousness, from existence to ideas. 
Whether or not one's consciousness or ideas 
(including theories, policies, plans or 
measures) do correctly reflect the laws of 
the objective external world is not yet 
proved at this stage, in which it is not yet 
possible to ascertain whether they are cor- 
rect or not. Then comes the second stage 
in the process of cognition, the stage lead- 
ing from consciousness back to matter, from 
ideas back to existence, in which the knowl- 
edge gained in the first stage is applied 
in social practice to ascertain whether the 
theories, policies, plans or measures meet 
with the anticipated success. Generally 
speaking, those that succeed are correct and 
those that fail are incorrect, and this is 



207 



especially true of man's struggle with nature. 
In social struggle, the forces representing 
the advanced class sometimes suffer defeat 
not because their ideas are incorrect but 
because, in the balance of forces engaged in 
struggle, they are not as powerful for the 
time being as the forces of reaction; they 
are therefore temporarily defeated, but they 
are bound to triumph sooner or later. Man's 
knowledge makes another leap through the 
test of practice. This leap is more impor- 
tant than the previous one. For it is this 
leap alone that can prove the correctness or 
incorrectness of the first leap in cognition, 
i.e., of the ideas, theories, policies, plans or 
measures formulated in the course of reflect- 
ing the objective external world. There is 
no other way of testing truth. 

Ibid., pp. 1-3.* 



Often, correct knowledge can be arrived 
at only after many repetitions of the process 
leading from matter to consciousness and 
then back to matter, that is, leading from 



practice to knowledge and then back to 
practice. Such is the Marxist theory of 
knowledge, the dialectical materialist 
theory of knowledge. 

Ibid., p. 3.* 



Whoever wants to know a thing has no 
way of doing so except by coming into 
contact with it, that is, by living (practis- 
ing) in its environment. ... If you want 
knowledge, you must take part in the prac- 
tice of changing reality. If you want to 
know the taste of a pear, you must change 
the pear by eating it yourself. ... If you 
want to know the theory and methods of 
revolution, you must take part in revolu- 
tion. All genuine knowledge originates in 
direct experience. 

"On Practice" (July 1937), Se- 
lected Works, Vol. I, pp. 299-300. 



Knowledge begins with practice, and 
theoretical knowledge which is acquired 



209 



through practice must then return to practice. 
The active function of knowledge manifests 
itself not only in the active leap from per- 
ceptual to rational knowledge, but — and 
this is more important — it must manifest 
itself in the leap from rational knowledge to 
revolutionary practice. 

Ibid., p. 304.* 



It is well known that when you do any- 
thing, unless you understand its actual cir- 
cumstances, its nature and its relations to 
other things, you will not know the laws 
governing it, or know how to do it, or be 
able to do it well. 

"Problems of Strategy in China's 
Revolutionary War" (December 
1936), Selected Works, Vol. I, 
p. 179. 



If a man wants to succeed in his work, 
that is, to achieve the anticipated results, he 
must bring his ideas into correspondence 



with the laws of the objective external 
world; if they do not correspond, he will 
fail in his practice. After he fails, he 
draws his lessons, corrects his ideas to make 
them correspond to the laws of the external 
world, and can thus turn failure into suc- 
cess; this is what is meant by "failure is 
the mother of success" and "a fall into 
the pit, a gain in your wit". 

"On Practice" (July 1937), Se- 
lected Works, Vol. I, pp. 296-97. 



We are Marxists, and Marxism teaches 
that in our approach to a problem we 
should start from objective facts, not from 
abstract definitions, and that we should 
derive our guiding principles, policies and 
measures from an analysis of these facts. 

"Talks at the Yenan Forum on 
Literature and Art" (May 1942), 
Selected Works, Vol. Ill, p. 74. 



The most fundamental method of work 
which all Communists must firmly bear in 



mind is to determine our working policies 
according to actual conditions. When we 
study the causes of the mistakes we have 
made, we find that they all arose because 
we departed from the actual situation at a 
given time and place and were subjective 
in determining our working policies. 

"Speech at a Conference of 
Cadres in the Shansi-Suiyuan Lib- 
erated Area" (April i, 1948), Se- 
lected Works, Vol. IV, p. 229-30.* 



Idealism and metaphysics are the easiest 
things in the world, because people can 
talk as much nonsense as they like without 
basing it on objective reality or having it 
tested against reality. Materialism and 
dialectics, on the other hand, need effort. 
They must be based on and tested by ob- 
jective reality. Unless one makes the effort, 
one is liable to slip into idealism and 
metaphysics. 

Introductory note to "Material on 
the Hu Feng Counter-Revolution- 
ary Clique" (May 1955). 



When we look at a thing, we must ex- 
amine its essence and treat its appearance 
merely as an usher at the threshold, and 
once we cross the threshold, we must grasp 
the essence of the thing; this is the only 
reliable and scientific method of analysis. 

"A Single Spark Can Start a 
Prairie Fire" (January 5, 1930), 
Selected Works, Vol. I, p. 119. 

The fundamental cause of the develop- 
ment of a thing is not external but internal; 
it lies in the contradictoriness within the 
thing. This internal contradiction exists in 
every single thing, hence its motion and 
development. Contradictoriness within a 
thing is the fundamental cause of its de- 
velopment, while its interrelations and in- 
teractions with other things are secondary 
causes. 

"On Contradiction" (August 1937), 
Selected Works, Vol. I, p. 313.* 

It [materialist dialectics] holds that ex- 
ternal causes are the condition of change 
and internal causes are the basis of change, 

213 



and that external causes become operative 
through internal causes. In a suitable tem- 
perature an egg changes into a chicken, but 
no temperature can change a stone into a 
chicken, because each has a different basis. 

Ibid., p. 314. 

Marxist philosophy holds that the law of 
the unity of opposites is the fundamental 
law of the universe. This law operates 
universally, whether in the natural world, 
in human society, or in man's thinking. 
Between the opposites in a contradiction 
there is at once unity and struggle, and it 
is this that impels things to move and 
change. Contradictions exist everywhere, 
but they differ in accordance with the dif- 
ferent nature of different things. In any 
given phenomenon or thing, the unity of 
opposites is conditional, temporary and 
transitory, and hence relative, whereas the 
struggle of opposites is absolute. 

On the Correct Handling of Con- 
tradictions Among the People 
(February 27, 1957), 1st pocket ed., 
p. 18. 
[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 392.] 



214 



The analytical method is dialectical. By 
analysis, we mean analysing the contradic- 
tions in things. And sound analysis is im- 
possible without intimate knowledge of life 
and without real understanding of the 
pertinent contradictions. 

Speech at the Chinese Communist 
Party's National Conference on 
Propaganda Work (March 12, 
1957), 1st pocket ed., p. 20. 
[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 431.] 

Concrete analysis of concrete conditions, 
Lenin said, is "the most essential thing in 
Marxism, the living soul of Marxism". 
Lacking an analytical approach, many of 
our comrades do not want to go deeply into 
complex matters, to analyse and study them 
over and over again, but like to draw sim- 
ple conclusions which are either absolutely 
affirmative or absolutely negative. . . . From 
now on we should remedy this state of 
affairs. 

"Our Study and the Current 
Situation" (April 12, 1944), Se- 
lected Works, Vol. Ill, p. 165. 



215 



The way these comrades look at prob- 
lems is wrong. They do not look at the 
essential or main aspects but emphasize the 
non-essential or minor ones. It should be 
pointed out that these non-essential or 
minor aspects must not be overlooked and 
must be dealt with one by one. But they 
should not be taken as the essential or main 
aspects, or we will lose our bearings. 

On the Question of Agricultural 
Co-operation (July 31, 1955), 3rd 
ed., pp. 17-18. 
[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 196.] 

In this world, things are complicated and 
are decided by many factors. We should 
look at problems from different aspects, not 
from just one. 

"On the Chungking Negotiations" 
(October 17, 1945), Selected 
Works, Vol. IV, p. 54. 

Only those who are subjective, one-sided 
and superficial in their approach to prob- 
lems will smugly issue orders or directives 

216 



the moment they arrive on the scene, with- 
out considering the circumstances, without 
viewing things in their totality (their history 
and their present state as a whole) and 
without getting to the essence of things 
(their nature and the internal relations be- 
tween one thing and another). Such people 
are bound to trip and fall. 

"On Practice" (July 1937), Se- 
lected Works, Vol. I, p. 302. 



In studying a problem, we must shun sub- 
jectivity, one-sidedness and superficiality. 
To be subjective means not to look at prob- 
lems objectively, that is, not to use the 
materialist viewpoint in looking at prob- 
lems. I have discussed this in my essay 
"On Practice". To be one-sided means not 
to look at problems all-sidedly. ... Or 
it may be called seeing the part but not 
the whole, seeing the trees but not the 
forest. That way it is impossible to find 
the method for resolving a contradiction, it 
is impossible to accomplish the tasks of the 



217 



revolution, to carry out assignments well or 
to develop inner-Party ideological struggle 
correctly. When Sun Wu Tzu said in dis- 
cussing military science, "Know the enemy 
and know yourself, and you can fight a 
hundred battles with no danger of defeat", 
he was referring to the two sides in a battle. 
Wei Cheng of the Tang Dynasty also un- 
derstood the error of one-sidedness when 
he said, "Listen to both sides and you will 
be enlightened, heed only one side and you 
will be benighted." But our comrades 
often look at problems one-sidedly, and so 
they often run into snags. . . . Lenin said: 

... in order really to know an object 
we must embrace, study, all its sides, all 
connections and "mediations". We shall 
never achieve this completely, but the 
demand for all-sidedness is a safeguard 
against mistakes and rigidity. 

We should remember his words. To be 
superficial means to consider neither the 
characteristics of a contradiction in its total- 
ity nor the characteristics of each of its 



218 



aspects; it means to deny the necessity for 
probing deeply into a thing and minutely 
studying the characteristics of its contradic- 
tion, but instead merely to look from afar 
and, after glimpsing the rough outline, im- 
mediately to try to resolve the contradiction 
(to answer a question, settle a dispute, 
handle work, or direct a military operation). 
This way of doing things is bound to lead 
to trouble. ... To be one-sided and su- 
perficial is at the same time to be subjec- 
tive. For all objective things are actually 
interconnected and are governed by inner 
laws, but, instead of undertaking the task 
of reflecting things as they really are, some 
people only look at things one-sidedly or 
superficially and know neither their inter- 
connections nor their inner laws, and so 
their method is subjectivist. 

"On Contradiction" (August 

1937), Selected Works, Vol. I, pp. 
323-24.* 

One-sidedness means thinking in terms of 
absolutes, that is, a metaphysical approach 



219 



to problems. In the appraisal of our work, 
it is one-sided to regard everything either 
as all positive or as all negative. ... To 
regard everything as positive is to see only 
the good and not the bad, and to tolerate 
only praise and no criticism. To talk as 
though our work is good in every respect is 
at variance with the facts. It is not true 
that everything is good; there are still short- 
comings and mistakes. But neither is it 
true that everything is bad, and that, too, 
is at variance with the facts. Here anal- 
ysis is necessary. To negate everything 
is to think, without having made any 
analysis, that nothing has been done well 
and that the great work of socialist 
construction, the great struggle in which 
hundreds of millions of people are par- 
ticipating, is a complete mess with nothing 
in it worth commending. Although there is 
a difference between the many people who 
hold such views and those who are hostile 
to the socialist system, these views are very 
mistaken and harmful and can only dis- 
hearten people. It is wrong to appraise our 



work either from the viewpoint that 
everything is positive, or from the viewpoint 
that everything is negative. 

Speech at the Chinese Communist 
Party's National Conference on 
Propaganda Work (March 12, 
1957), 1st pocket ed., pp. 16-17.* 
[Selected Works, Vol. V, pp. 429-30.] 

In approaching a problem a Marxist 
should see the whole as well as the parts. 
A frog in a well says, "The sky is no bigger 
than the mouth of the well." That is un- 
true, for the sky is not just the size of the 
mouth of the well. If it said, "A part of 
the sky is the size of the mouth of a well", 
that would be true, for it tallies with the 
facts. 

"On Tactics Against Japanese 
Imperialism" (December 27, 1935, 
Selected Works, Vol. I, p. 159. 

We must learn to look at problems all- 
sidedly, seeing the reverse as well as the 
obverse side of things. In given conditions, 



a bad thing can lead to good results and a 
good thing to bad results. 

On the Correct Handling of Con- 
tradictions Among the People 
(February 27, 1957), 1st pocket ed., 
pp. 66-67.* 
[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 416.] 

While we recognize that in the general 
development of history the material deter- 
mines the mental and social being deter- 
mines social consciousness, we also — and 
indeed must — recognize the reaction of 
mental on material things, of social con- 
sciousness on social being and of the super- 
structure on the economic base. This does 
not go against materialism; on the contrary, 
it avoids mechanical materialism and firmly 
upholds dialectical materialism. 

"On Contradiction" (August 1937), 
Selected Works, Vol. I, p. 336.* 

In seeking victory, those who direct a war 
cannot overstep the limitations imposed by 
the objective conditions; within these lim- 



itations, however, they can and must play 
a dynamic role in striving for victory. The 
stage of action for commanders in a war 
must be built upon objective possibilities, 
but on that stage they can direct the per- 
formance of many a drama, full of sound 
and colour, power and grandeur. 

"On Protracted War" (May 
1938), Selected Works, Vol. II, 
pp. 152. 



People must adapt their thinking to the 
changed conditions. Of course no one 
should go off into wild flights of fancy, or 
make plans of action unwarranted by the 
objective situation, or stretch for the im- 
possible. The problem today, however, is 
that Rightist conservative thinking is still 
causing mischief in many spheres and pre- 
venting the work in these spheres from 
keeping pace with the development of the 
objective situation. The present problem is 
that many people consider it impossible to 



223 



accomplish things which could be accom- 
plished if they exerted themselves. 

Preface to The Socialist Upsurge 
in China's Countryside (December 
27, 1955), Chinese ed., Vol. I. 
[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 240.] 

We should always use our brains and 
think everything over carefully. A common 
saying goes, "Knit your brows and you will 
hit upon a stratagem." In other words, 
much thinking yields wisdom. In order to 
get rid of the blindness which exists to 
a serious extent in our Party, we must 
encourage our comrades to think, to learn 
the method of analysis and to cultivate the 
habit of analysis. 

"Our Study and the Current 
Situation" (April 12, 1944), Se- 
lected Works, Vol. Ill, p. 174- 
75* 

If in any process there are a number of 
contradictions, one of them must be the 
principal contradiction playing the leading 
and decisive role, while the rest occupy a 



224 



secondary and subordinate position. There- 
fore, in studying any complex process in 
which there are two or more contradictions, 
we must devote every effort to finding its 
principal contradiction. Once this principal 
contradiction is grasped, all problems can 
be readily solved. 

"On Contradiction" (August 1937), 
Selected Works, Vol. I, p. 332.* 



Of the two contradictory aspects, one 
must be principal and the other secondary. 
The principal aspect is the one playing the 
leading role in the contradiction. The na- 
ture of a thing is determined mainly by the 
principal aspect of a contradiction, the 
aspect which has gained the dominant posi- 
tion. 

But this situation is not static; the prin- 
cipal and the non-principal aspects of a con- 
tradiction transform themselves into each 
other and the nature of the thing changes 
accordingly. 

Ibid., p. 333. 



225 



It is not enough to set tasks, we must 
also solve the problem of the methods for 
carrying them out. If our task is to cross a 
river, we cannot cross it without a bridge or 
a boat. Unless the bridge or boat problem 
is solved, it is idle to speak of crossing the 
river. Unless the problem of method is 
solved, talk about the task is useless. 

"Be Concerned with the Well- 
Being of the Masses, Pay Atten- 
tion to Methods of Work" (Jan- 
uary 27, 1934), Selected Works, 
Vol. I, p. 150. 

In any task, if no general and widespread 
call is issued, the broad masses cannot be 
mobilized for action. But if persons in 
leading positions confine themselves to a 
general call — if they do not personally, in 
some of the organizations, go deeply and 
concretely into the work called for, make 
a break-through at some single point, gain 
experience and use this experience for guid- 
ing other units — then they will have no 
way of testing the correctness or of enrich- 
ing the content of their general call, and 

226 



there is the danger that nothing may come 
of it. 

"Some Questions Concerning 
Methods of Leadership" (June I, 
1943), Selected Works, Vol. Ill, 
p. 117. 

No one in a leading position is compe- 
tent to give general guidance to all the units 
unless he derives concrete experience from 
particular individuals and events in par- 
ticular subordinate units. This method must 
be promoted everywhere so that leading 
cadres at all levels learn to apply it. 

Ibid., p. 118. 

In any given place, there cannot be a 
number of central tasks at the same time. 
At any one time there can be only one cen- 
tral task, supplemented by other tasks of 
a second or third order of importance. Con- 
sequently, the person with over-all respon- 
sibility in the locality must take into ac- 
count the history and circumstances of the 
struggle there and put the different tasks in 
their proper order; he should not act upon 



227 



each instruction as it comes from the higher 
organization without any planning of his 
own, and thereby create a multitude of 
"central tasks" and a state of confusion and 
disorder. Nor should a higher organization 
simultaneously assign many tasks to a lower 
organization without indicating their rela- 
tive importance and urgency or without 
specifying which is central, for that will lead 
to confusion in the steps to be taken by 
the lower organizations in their work and 
thus no definite results will be achieved. It 
is part of the art of leadership to take the 
whole situation into account and plan ac- 
cordingly in the light of the historical con- 
ditions and existing circumstances of each 
locality, decide correctly on the centre of 
gravity and the sequence of the work for 
each period, steadfastly carry through the 
decision, and make sure that definite results 
are achieved. 

Ibid., p. 121. 

It [a regional or sub-regional bureau of 
the Central Committee of the Party] should 
constantly have a grip on the progress of 

228 



the work, exchange experience and correct 
mistakes; it should not wait several months, 
half a year or a year before holding sum- 
ming-up meetings for a general check-up and 
a general correction of mistakes. Waiting 
leads to great loss, while correcting mistakes 
as soon as they occur reduces loss. 

"On the Policy Concerning In- 
dustry and Commerce" (Febru- 
ary 27, 1948), Selected Works, Vol. 
IV, p. 204.* 

Don't wait until problems pile up and 
cause a lot of trouble before trying to solve 
them. Leaders must march ahead of the 
movement, not lag behind it. 

Introductory note to "Contract 
on a Seasonal Basis" (1955), The 
Socialist Upsurge in China's 
Countryside, Chinese ed., Vol. III. 
[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 252.] 

What we need is an enthusiastic but calm 
state of mind and intense but orderly work. 

"Problems of Strategy in China's 
Revolutionary War" (December 
1936), Selected Works, Vol. I, p. 
211. 



229 



XXIII. INVESTIGATION 
AND STUDY 



Everyone engaged in practical work must 
investigate conditions at the lower levels. 
Such investigation is especially necessary for 
those who know theory but do not know 
the actual conditions, for otherwise they will 
not be able to link theory with practice. 
Although my assertion, "No investigation, 
no right to speak", has been ridiculed as 
"narrow empiricism", to this day I do not 
regret having made it; far from regretting 
it, I still insist that without investigation 
there cannot possibly be any right to speak. 
There are many people who "the moment 
they alight from the official carriage" make a 
hullabaloo, spout opinions, criticize this and 
condemn that; but, in fact, ten out of ten 
of them will meet with failure. For such 



230 



views or criticisms, which are not based on 
thorough investigation, are nothing but 
ignorant twaddle. Countless times our Party 
suffered at the hands of these "imperial 
envoys", who rushed here, there and every- 
where. Stalin rightly says that "theory be- 
comes purposeless if it is not connected 
with revolutionary practice". And he rightly 
adds that "practice gropes in the dark if 
its path is not illumined by revolutionary 
theory". Nobody should be labelled a "nar- 
row empiricist" except the "practical man" 
who gropes in the dark and lacks perspec- 
tive and foresight. 

"Preface and Postscript to Rural 
Surveys" (March and April 19 41), 
Selected Works, Vol. Ill, p. 13.* 

To take such an attitude is to seek truth 
from facts. "Facts" are all the things that 
exist objectively, "truth" means their in- 
ternal relations, that is, the laws governing 
them, and "to seek" means to study. We 
should proceed from the actual conditions 
inside and outside the country, the province, 



231 



county or district, and derive from them, 
as our guide to action, laws which are 
inherent in them and not imaginary, that 
is, we should find the internal relations of 
the events occurring around us. And in 
order to do that we must rely not on subjec- 
tive imagination, not on momentary enthu- 
siasm, not on lifeless books, but on facts 
that exist objectively; we must appropriate 
the material in detail and, guided by the 
general principles of Marxism-Leninism, 
draw correct conclusions from it. 

"Reform Our Study" (May 1941), 
Selected Works, Vol. Ill, pp. 22- 
23- 

To behave like "a blindfolded man 
catching sparrows", or "a blind man grop- 
ing for fish", to be crude and careless, to 
indulge in verbiage, to rest content with a 
smattering of knowledge — such is the ex- 
tremely bad style of work that still exists 
among many comrades in our Party, a style 
utterly opposed to the fundamental spirit 
of Marxism-Leninism. Marx, Engels, Lenin 



232 



and Stalin have taught us that it is neces- 
sary to study conditions conscientiously and 
to proceed from objective reality and not 
from subjective wishes; but many of our 
comrades act in direct violation of this 
truth. 

Ibid., p. 18. 

You can't solve a problem? Well, get 
down and investigate the present facts and 
its past history! When you have investigated 
the problem thoroughly, you will know how 
to solve it. Conclusions invariably come after 
investigation, and not before. Only a block- 
head cudgels his brains on his own, or to- 
gether with a group, to "find a solution" 
or "evolve an idea" without making any 
investigation. It must be stressed that this 
cannot possibly lead to any effective solu- 
tion or any good idea. 

Oppose Book Worship (May 
1930), 1st pocket ed., p. 2. 

Investigation may be likened to the long 
months of pregnancy, and solving a problem 



233 



to the day of birth. To investigate a prob- 
lem is, indeed, to solve it. 

Ibid., p. 3. 



[With the Marxist-Leninist attitude,] 
a person applies the theory and method 
of Marxism-Leninism to the systematic and 
thorough investigation and study of the en- 
vironment. He does not work by enthusiasm 
alone but, as Stalin says, combines revolu- 
tionary sweep with practicalness. 

"Reform Our Study" (May 
1941), Selected Works, Vol. Ill, 
p. 22.* 



The only way to know conditions is to 
make social investigations, to investigate the 
conditions of each social class in real life. 
For those charged with directing work the 
basic method for knowing conditions is to 
concentrate on a few cities and villages ac- 
cording to a plan and, using the fundamental 
viewpoint of Marxism, i.e., the method of 



234 



class analysis, make a number of thorough 
investigations. 

"Preface and Postscript to Rural 
Surveys" (March and April 19 41), 
Selected Works, Vol. Ill, p. II.* 

A fact-finding meeting need not be large; 
from three to five or seven or eight people 
are enough. Ample time must be allowed 
and an outline for the investigation must be 
prepared; furthermore, one must personally 
ask questions, take notes and have discus- 
sions with those at the meeting. Therefore 
one certainly cannot make an investigation, 
or do it well, without zeal, a determination 
to direct one's eyes downward and a thirst 
for knowledge, and without shedding the 
ugly mantle of pretentiousness and becom- 
ing a willing pupil. 

Ibid., p. 12. 

A commander's correct dispositions stem 
from his correct decisions, his correct deci- 
sions stem from his correct judgements, and 



135 



his correct judgements stem from a thorough 
and necessary reconnaissance and from pon- 
dering on and piecing together the data of 
various kinds gathered through reconnais- 
sance. He applies all possible and necessary 
methods of reconnaissance, and ponders on 
the information gathered about the enemy's 
situation, discarding the dross and selecting 
the essential, eliminating the false and re- 
taining the true, proceeding from the one 
to the other and from the outside to the 
inside; then, he takes the conditions on his 
own side into account, and makes a study 
of both sides and their interrelations, thereby 
forming his judgements, making up his mind 
and working out his plans. Such is the com- 
plete process of knowing a situation which 
a military man goes through before he for- 
mulates a strategic plan, a campaign plan 
or a battle plan. 

"Problems of Strategy in China's 
Revolutionary War" (December 
1936), Selected Works, Vol. I, 
p. 188. 



236 



XXIV. IDEOLOGICAL 
SELF-CULTIVATION 



Even if we achieve gigantic successes in 
our work, there is no reason whatsoever to 
feel conceited and arrogant. Modesty helps 
one to go forward, whereas conceit makes 
one lag behind. This is a truth we must 
always bear in mind. 

"Opening Address at the Eighth 
National Congress of the Com- 
munist Party of China" (Septem- 
ber 15, 1956). 

With victory, certain moods may grow 
within the Party — arrogance, the airs of a 
self-styled hero, inertia and unwillingness 
to make progress, love of pleasure and dis- 
taste for continued hard living. With vic- 
tory, the people will be grateful to us and 



237 



the bourgeoisie will come forward to flatter 
us. It has been proved that the enemy 
cannot conquer us by force of arms. How- 
ever, the flattery of the bourgeoisie may con- 
quer the weak-willed in our ranks. There 
may be some Communists, who were not 
conquered by enemies with guns and were 
worthy of the name of heroes for standing 
up to these enemies, but who cannot with- 
stand sugar-coated bullets; they will be 
defeated by sugar-coated bullets. We must 
guard against such a situation. 

"Report to the Second Plenary 
Session of the Seventh Central 
Committee of the Communist 
Party of China" (March 5, 1949), 
Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 374." 

Many things may become baggage, may 
become encumbrances, if we cling to them 
blindly and uncritically. Let us take some 
illustrations. Having made mistakes, you 
may feel that, come what may, you are sad- 
dled with them and so become dispirited; 
if you have not made mistakes, you may 
feel that you are free from error and so 

238 



become conceited. Lack of achievement in 
work may breed pessimism and depression, 
while achievement may breed pride and 
arrogance. A comrade with a short record 
of struggle may shirk responsibility on this 
account, while a veteran may become 
opinionated because of his long record of 
struggle. Worker and peasant comrades, 
because of pride in their class origin, may 
look down upon intellectuals, while intel- 
lectuals, because they have a certain amount 
of knowledge, may look down upon worker 
and peasant comrades. Any specialized skill 
may be capitalized on and so may lead to 
arrogance and contempt of others. Even 
one's age may become ground for conceit. 
The young, because they are bright and 
capable, may look down upon the old; and 
the old, because they are rich in experience, 
may look down upon the young. All such 
things become encumbrances or baggage if 
there is no critical awareness. 

"Our Study and the Current 
Situation" (April 12, 1944), Se- 
lected Works, Vol. Ill, p. 173.* 



239 



Some comrades in the army have become 
arrogant and high-handed in their behav- 
iour towards the soldiers, the people, the 
government and the Party, always blaming 
the comrades doing local work but never 
themselves, always seeing their own achieve- 
ments but never their own shortcomings, 
and always welcoming flattery but never 
criticism. . . . the army must endeavour to 
eradicate these faults. 

"Get Organized!" (November 29, 
1943), Selected Works, Vol. Ill, 
p. 159.* 

Hard work is like a load placed before 
us, challenging us to shoulder it. Some 
loads are light, some heavy. Some people 
prefer the light to the heavy; they pick the 
light and shove the heavy on to others. That 
is not a good attitude. Some comrades are 
different; they leave ease and comfort to 
others and take the heavy loads them- 
selves; they are the first to bear hardships, 
the last to enjoy comforts. They are good 



240 



comrades. We should all learn from their 
communist spirit. 

"On the Chungking Negotiations" 
(October 17, 1945), Selected 
Works, Vol. IV, p. 58.* 



There are not a few people who are 
irresponsible in their work, preferring the 
light to the heavy, shoving the heavy 
loads on to others and choosing the 
easy ones for themselves. At every turn 
they think of themselves before others. 
When they make some small contribution, 
they swell with pride and brag about it for 
fear that others will not know. They feel 
no warmth towards comrades and the peo- 
ple but are cold, indifferent and apathetic. 
In fact such people are not Communists, 
or at least cannot be counted as true 
Communists. 

"Memory of Norman Bethune" 
(December 21, 1939), Selected 
Works, Vol. II, pp. 337-38.* 



241 



Those who assert this kind of "indepen- 
dence" are usually wedded to the doctrine 
of "me first" and are generally wrong on 
the question of the relationship between the 
individual and the Party. Although in words 
they profess respect for the Party, in prac- 
tice they put themselves first and the Party 
second. Comrade Liu Shao-chi once said 
of certain people that they have unusually 
long arms and are very clever in looking 
after their own interests, but pay little heed 
to the interests of others and of the Party 
as a whole. "What's mine is mine, and 
what's yours is mine too." (Loud laughter.) 
What are these people after? They are 
after fame and position and want to be in 
the limelight. Whenever they are put in 
charge of a branch of work, they assert 
their "independence". With this aim, they 
draw some people in, push others out and 
resort to boasting, flattery and touting 
among the comrades, thus importing the 
vulgar style of the bourgeois political par- 
ties into the Communist Party. It is their 
dishonesty that causes them to come to grief. 



242 



I believe we should do things honestly, for 
without an honest attitude it is absolutely 
impossible to accomplish anything in this 
world. 

"Rectify the Party's Style of 
Work" (February I, 1942), Se- 
lected Works, Vol. Ill, p. 44. 



They [Communists] must grasp the prin- 
ciple of subordinating the needs of the part 
to the needs of the whole. If a proposal 
appears feasible for a partial situation but 
not for the situation as a whole, then the 
part must give way to the whole. Con- 
versely, if the proposal is not feasible for 
the part but is feasible in the light of the 
situation as a whole, again the part must 
give way to the whole. This is what is 
meant by considering the situation as a 
whole. 

"The Role of the Chinese Com- 
munist Party in the National 
War" (October 1938), Selected 
Works, Vol. II, p. 201. 



243 



Pleasure-seeking. In the Red Army 
there are also quite a few people whose 
individualism finds expression in pleasure- 
seeking. They always hope that their unit 
will march into big cities. They want to 
go there not to work but to enjoy them- 
selves. The last thing they want is to work 
in the Red areas where life is hard. 

"On Correcting Mistaken Ideas 
in the Party" (December 1929), 
Selected Works, Vol. I, p. 113. 



We must oppose the tendency towards 
selfish departmentalism by which the in- 
terests of one's own unit are looked after 
to the exclusion of those of others. Who- 
ever is indifferent to the difficulties of others, 
refuses to transfer cadres to other units on 
request, or releases only the inferior ones, 
"using the neighbour's field as an outlet for 
his overflow", and does not give the slight- 
est consideration to other departments, 
localities or people — such a person is a 
selfish departmentalist who has entirely lost 
the spirit of communism. Lack of con- 



244 



sideration for the whole and complete in- 
difference to other departments, localities 
and people are characteristics of a selfish 
departmentalist. We must intensify our 
efforts to educate such persons and to make 
them understand that selfish departmen- 
talism is a sectarian tendency which will be- 
come very dangerous, if allowed to develop. 

"Rectify the Party's Style of 
Work" (February I, 1942), Se- 
lected Works, Vol. Ill, p. 46. 

Liberalism manifests itself in various 
ways. 

To let things slide for the sake of peace 
and friendship when a person has clearly 
gone wrong, and refrain from principled 
argument because he is an old acquaintance, 
a fellow townsman, a schoolmate, a close 
friend, a loved one, an old colleague or 
old subordinate. Or to touch on the mat- 
ter lightly instead of going into it thorough- 
ly, so as to keep on good terms. The re- 
sult is that both the organization and the 
individual are harmed. This is one type 
of liberalism. 



245 



To indulge in irresponsible criticism in 
private instead of actively putting forward 
one's suggestions to the organization. To 
say nothing to people to their faces but to 
gossip behind their backs, or to say nothing 
at a meeting but to gossip afterwards. To 
show no regard at all for the principles of 
collective life but to follow one's own in- 
clination. This is a second type. 

To let things drift if they do not affect 
one personally; to say as little as possible 
while knowing perfectly well what is wrong, 
to be worldly wise and play safe and seek 
only to avoid blame. This is a third type. 

Not to obey orders but to give pride of 
place to one's own opinions. To demand 
special consideration from the organization 
but to reject its discipline. This is a fourth 
type. 

To indulge in personal attacks, pick 
quarrels, vent personal spite or seek re- 
venge instead of entering into an argument 
and struggling against incorrect views for 
the sake of unity or progress or getting the 
work done properly. This is a fifth type. 

246 



To hear incorrect views without rebutting 
them and even to hear counter-revolutionary 
remarks without reporting them, but instead 
to take them calmly as if nothing had hap- 
pened. This is a sixth type. 

To be among the masses and fail to con- 
duct propaganda and agitation or speak at 
meetings or conduct investigations and in- 
quiries among them, and instead to be in- 
different to them and show no concern for 
their well-being, forgetting that one is a 
Communist and behaving as if one were 
an ordinary non-Communist. This is a 
seventh type. 

To see someone harming the interests of 
the masses and yet not feel indignant, or 
dissuade or stop him or reason with him, 
but to allow him to continue. This is an 
eighth type. 

To work half-heartedly without a definite 
plan or direction; to work perfunctorily 
and muddle along — "So long as one re- 
mains a monk, one goes on tolling the bell." 
This is a ninth type. 

To regard oneself as having rendered 
great service to the revolution, to pride 

247 



oneself on being a veteran, to disdain minor 
assignments while being quite unequal to 
major tasks, to be slipshod in work and 
slack in study. This is a tenth type. 

To be aware of one's own mistakes and 
yet make no attempt to correct them, taking 
a liberal attitude towards oneself. This is 
an eleventh type. 

"Combat Liberalism" (September 
7, 1937), Selected Works, Vol. II, 
pp. 31-32. 



Liberalism is extremely harmful in a 
revolutionary collective. It is a corrosive 
which eats away unity, undermines cohe- 
sion, causes apathy and creates dissension. 
It robs the revolutionary ranks of compact 
organization and strict discipline, prevents 
policies from being carried through and 
alienates the Party organizations from the 
masses which the Party leads. It is an ex- 
tremely bad tendency. 

Ibid., p. 32. 



People who are liberals look upon the 
principles of Marxism as abstract dogma. 
They approve of Marxism, but are not pre- 
pared to practise it or to practise it in full; 
they are not prepared to replace their 
liberalism by Marxism. These people have 
their Marxism, but they have their lib- 
eralism as well — they talk Marxism but 
practise liberalism; they apply Marxism to 
others but liberalism to themselves. They 
keep both kinds of goods in stock and find 
a use for each. This is how the minds of 
certain people work. 

Ibid., pp. 32-33. 



The people's state protects the people. 
Only when the people have such a state 
can they educate and remould themselves 
by democratic methods on a country-wide 
scale, with everyone taking part, and 
shake off the influence of domestic and 
foreign reactionaries (which is still very 
strong, will survive for a long time and 
cannot be quickly destroyed), rid them- 
selves of the bad habits and ideas acquired 



249 



in the old society, not allow themselves to 
be led astray by the reactionaries, and con- 
tinue to advance — to advance towards a 
socialist and communist society. 

"On the People's Democratic 
Dictatorship" (June 30, 1949), 
Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 418.* 

It is not hard for one to do a bit of 
good. What is hard is to do good all one's 
life and never do anything bad, to act 
consistently in the interests of the broad 
masses, the young people and the revolu- 
tion, and to engage in arduous struggle for 
decades on end. That is the hardest thing 
of all! 

"Message of Greetings on the 
60th Birthday of Comrade Wu 
Yu-chang" (January 15, 1940). 



250 



XXV. UNITY 



The unification of our country, the unity 
of our people and the unity of our various 
nationalities — these are the basic guar- 
antees of the sure triumph of our cause. 

On the Correct Handling of 
Contradictions Among the People 
(February 27, 1957), 1st pocket ed., 
pp. 1-2. 
[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 384.] 

It is only through the unity of the Com- 
munist Party that the unity of the whole 
class and the whole nation can be achieved, 
and it is only through the unity of the 
whole class and the whole nation that the 
enemy can be defeated and the national 
and democratic revolution accomplished. 

"Win the Masses in Their Mil- 
lions for the Anti-Japanese 
National United Front" (May 7, 
1937), Selected Works, Vol. I, 
p. 292.* 

251 



We shall solidly unite all the forces 
of our Party on democratic centralist prin- 
ciples of organization and discipline. We 
shall unite with any comrade if he abides 
by the Party's Programme, Constitution and 
decisions. 

"On Coalition Government" 

(April 24, 1945), Selected Works, 
Vol. Ill, p. 317.* 



This democratic method of resolving con- 
tradictions among the people was epito- 
mized in 1942 in the formula "unity, criticism, 
unity". To elaborate, it means starting from 
the desire for unity, resolving contradictions 
through criticism or struggle and arriving 
at a new unity on a new basis. In our 
experience this is the correct method of 
resolving contradictions among the people. 

On the Correct Handling of 
Contradictions Among the People 
(February 27, 1957), 1st pocket ed., 
p. 12. 
[Selected Works, Vol. V, PP- 389-90.] 



252 



This [our] army has achieved remarkable 
unity in its own ranks and with those out- 
side its ranks. Internally, there is unity 
between officers and men, between the 
higher and lower ranks, and between mil- 
itary work, political work and rear service 
work; and externally, there is unity be- 
tween the army and the people, between 
the army and government organizations, 
and between our army and the friendly 
armies. It is imperative to overcome any- 
thing that impairs this unity. 

"On Coalition Government" 

(April 24, 1945), Selected Works, 
Vol. Ill, p. 264.* 



253 



XXVI. DISCIPLINE 



Within the ranks of the people, democracy 
is correlative with centralism and freedom 
with discipline. They are the two opposites 
of a single entity, contradictory as well as 
united, and we should not one-sidedly 
emphasize one to the denial of the other. 
Within the ranks of the people, we cannot 
do without freedom, nor can we do with- 
out discipline; we cannot do without de- 
mocracy, nor can we do without centralism. 
This unity of democracy and centralism, of 
freedom and discipline, constitutes our 
democratic centralism. Under this system, 
the people enjoy extensive democracy and 
freedom, but at the same time they have 

254 



to keep within the bounds of socialist disci- 
pline. 

On the Correct Handling of 
Contradictions Among the People 
(February 27, 1957), 1st pocket ed., 
pp. IO-II. 
[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 389.] 

We must affirm anew the discipline of 
the Party, namely: 

(1) the individual is subordinate to 
the organization; 

(2) the minority is subordinate to the 
majority; 

(3) the lower level is subordinate to 
the higher level; and 

(4) the entire membership is subordi- 
nate to the Central Committee. 

Whoever violates these articles of dis- 
cipline disrupts Party unity. 

"The Role of the Chinese Com- 
munist Party in the National 
War" (October 1938), Selected 
Works, Vol. II, p. 203-04.* 

One requirement of Party discipline is 
that the minority should submit to the 



255 



majority. If the view of the minority has 
been rejected, it must support the decision 
passed by the majority. If necessary, it can 
bring up the matter for reconsideration at 
the next meeting, but apart from that it 
must not act against the decision in any 
way. 

"On Correcting Mistaken Ideas 
in the Party" (December 1929), 
Selected Works, Vol. I, p. no. 



The Three Main Rules of Discipline are 
as follows: 

(1) Obey orders in all your actions. 

(2) Do not take a single needle or 
piece of thread from the masses. 

(3) Turn in everything captured. 

The Eight Points for Attention are as 
follows: 

(1) Speak politely. 

(2) Pay fairly for what you buy. 

(3) Return everything you borrow. 

(4) Pay for anything you damage. 

(5) Do not hit or swear at people. 

256 



(6) Do not damage crops. 

(7) Do not take liberties with women. 

(8) Do not ill-treat captives. 

"On the Reissue of the Three 
Main Rules of Discipline and 
the Eight Points for Attention — 
Instruction of the General Head- 
quarters of the Chinese People's 
Liberation Army" (October 10, 
1947), Selected Military Writings, 
2nd ed., p. 343. 
[Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 155.] 

They [all officers and soldiers of our 
army] must heighten their sense of disci- 
pline and resolutely carry out orders, carry 
out our policy, carry out the Three Main 
Rules of Discipline and the Eight Points 
for Attention — with army and people 
united, army and government united, 
officers and soldiers united, and the whole 
army united — and permit no breach of 
discipline. 

"Manifesto of the Chinese Peo- 
ple's Liberation Army" (October 
1947), Selected Military Writings, 
2nd ed., p. 340. 
[Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 152.] 

257 



XXVII. CRITICISM AND 
SELF-CRITICISM 



The Communist Party does not fear criti- 
cism because we are Marxists, the truth is 
on our side, and the basic masses, the 
workers and peasants, are on our side. 

Speech at the Chinese Communist 
Party's National Conference on 
Propaganda Work (March 12, 
1957), 1st pocket ed., p. 14. 
[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 428.] 

Thoroughgoing materialists are fearless; 
we hope that all our fellow fighters will 
courageously shoulder their responsibilities 
and overcome all difficulties, fearing no 
setbacks or gibes, nor hesitating to criticize 
us Communists and give us their sugges- 
tions. "He who is not afraid of death by 
a thousand cuts dares to unhorse the 



258 



emperor" — this is the indomitable spirit 
needed in our struggle to build socialism 
and communism. 

Ibid., p. 16. 

We have the Marxist-Leninist weapon of 
criticism and self-criticism. We can get rid 
of a bad style and keep the good. 

"Report to the Second Plenary 
Session of the Seventh Central 
Committee of the Communist 
Party of China" (March 5, 1949), 
Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 374." 



Conscientious practice of self-criticism is 
still another hallmark distinguishing our 
Party from all other political parties. As 
we say, dust will accumulate if a room is 
not cleaned regularly, our faces will get 
dirty if they are not washed regularly. Our 
comrades' minds and our Party's work may 
also collect dust, and also need sweeping 
and washing. The proverb "Running water 
is never stale and a door-hinge is never 
worm-eaten" means that constant motion 



259 



prevents the inroads of germs and other 
organisms. To check up regularly on our 
work and in the process develop a dem- 
ocratic style of work, to fear neither criti- 
cism nor self-criticism, and to apply such 
good popular Chinese maxims as "Say all 
you know and say it without reserve", 
"Blame not the speaker but be warned by 
his words" and "Correct mistakes if you 
have committed them and guard against 
them if you have not" — this is the only 
effective way to prevent all kinds of politi- 
cal dust and germs from contaminating the 
minds of our comrades and the body of our 
Party. 

"On Coalition Government" 

(April 24, 1945), Selected Works, 
Vol. Ill, pp. 316-17. 

Opposition and struggle between ideas 
of different kinds constantly occur within 
the Party; this is a reflection within the 
Party of contradictions between classes and 
between the new and the old in society. 
If there were no contradictions in the Party 
and no ideological struggles to resolve 

260 



them, the Party's life would come to an 
end. 

"On Contradiction" (August 1937), 
Selected Works, Vol. I, p. 317. 

We stand for active ideological struggle 
because it is the weapon for ensuring unity 
within the Party and the revolutionary 
organizations in the interest of our fight. 
Every Communist and revolutionary should 
take up this weapon. 

But liberalism rejects ideological struggle 
and stands for unprincipled peace, thus 
giving rise to a decadent, philistine attitude 
and bringing about political degeneration 
in certain units and individuals in the Party 
and the revolutionary organizations. 

"Combat Liberalism" (September 
7, 1937), Selected Works, Vol. II, 
p. 31. 

In opposing subjectivism, sectarianism 
and stereotyped Party writing we must 
have in mind two purposes: first, "learn 
from past mistakes to avoid future ones", 
and second, "cure the sickness to save the 

261 



patient". The mistakes of the past must be 
exposed without sparing anyone's sensibili- 
ties; it is necessary to analyse and criticize 
what was bad in the past with a scientific 
attitude so that work in the future will be 
done more carefully and done better. This 
is what is meant by "learn from past mis- 
takes to avoid future ones". But our aim 
in exposing errors and criticizing shortcom- 
ings, like that of a doctor curing a sickness, 
is solely to save the patient and not to 
doctor him to death. A person with 
appendicitis is saved when the surgeon 
removes his appendix. So long as a person 
who has made mistakes does not hide his 
sickness for fear of treatment or persist in 
his mistakes until he is beyond cure, so 
long as he honestly and sincerely wishes to 
be cured and to mend his ways, we should 
welcome him and cure his sickness so that 
he can become a good comrade. We can 
never succeed if we just let ourselves go 
and lash out at him. In treating an ideolog- 
ical or a political malady, one must never 
be rough and rash but must adopt the ap- 
proach of "curing the sickness to save the 

262 



patient", which is the only correct and 
effective method. 

"Rectify the Party's Style of 
Work" (February i, 1942), Selected 
Works, Vol. Ill, pp. 49-50.* 

Another point that should be mentioned 
in connection with inner-Party criticism is 
that some comrades ignore the major issues 
and confine their attention to minor points 
when they make their criticism. They do 
not understand that the main task of criti- 
cism is to point out political and organiza- 
tional mistakes. As to personal shortcom- 
ings, unless they are related to political 
and organizational mistakes, there is no 
need to be overcritical or the comrades con- 
cerned will be at a loss as to what to do. 
Moreover, once such criticism develops, 
there is the great danger that within the 
Party attention will be concentrated ex- 
clusively on minor faults, and every- 
one will become timid and overcautious 
and forget the Party's political tasks. 

"On Correcting Mistaken Ideas 
in the Party" (December 1929), 
Selected Works, Vol. I, pp. 111-12.* 

263 



In inner-Party criticism, guard against 
subjectivism, arbitrariness and the vulgariza- 
tion of criticism; statements should be 
based on facts and criticism should stress 
the political side. 

Ibid., p. 112.* 



Inner-Party criticism is a weapon for 
strengthening the Party organization and 
increasing its fighting capacity. In the 
Party organization of the Red Army, how- 
ever, criticism is not always of this character, 
and sometimes turns into personal attack. 
As a result, it damages the Party organiza- 
tion as well as individuals. This is a mani- 
festation of petty-bourgeois individualism. 
The method of correction is to help Party 
members understand that the purpose of 
criticism is to increase the Party's fighting 
capacity in order to achieve victory in the 
class struggle and that it should not be 
used as a means of personal attack. 

Ibid., p. no. 

264 



If we have shortcomings, we are not 
afraid to have them pointed out and criti- 
cized, because we serve the people. Anyone, 
no matter who, may point out our short- 
comings. If he is right, we will correct 
them. If what he proposes will benefit the 
people, we will act upon it. 

"Serve the People" (September 
8, 1944), Selected Works, Vol. Ill, 
p. 227. 

As we Chinese Communists, who base 
all our actions on the highest interests of 
the broadest masses of the Chinese people 
and who are fully convinced of the justice 
of our cause, never balk at any personal 
sacrifice and are ready at all times to give 
our lives for the cause, can we be reluc- 
tant to discard any idea, viewpoint, opinion 
or method which is not suited to the needs 
of the people? Can we be willing to allow 
political dust and germs to dirty our clean 
faces or eat into our healthy organisms? 
Countless revolutionary martyrs have laid 
down their lives in the interests of the 
people, and our hearts are filled with pain 

265 



as we the living think of them — can there 
be any personal interest, then, that we 
would not sacrifice or any error that we 
would not discard? 

"On Coalition Government" 

(April 24, 1945), Selected Works, 
Vol. Ill, p. 317.* 



We must not become complacent over 
any success. We should check our com- 
placency and constantly criticize our short- 
comings, just as we should wash our faces 
or sweep the floor every day to remove the 
dirt and keep them clean. 

"Get Organized!" (November 29, 
1943), Selected Works, Vol. Ill, 
p. 160.* 



As for criticism, do it in good time; don't 
get into the habit of criticizing only after 
the event. 

On the Question of Agricultural 
Co-operation (July 31, 1955), 3rd 
ed., p. 25. 
[Selected Works, Vol. V, pp. 200-01.] 



266 



Taught by mistakes and setbacks, we 
have become wiser and handle our affairs 
better. It is hard for any political party 
or person to avoid mistakes, but we should 
make as few as possible. Once a mistake 
is made, we should correct it, and the 
more quickly and thoroughly the better. 

"On the People's Democratic 
Dictatorship" (June 30, 1949), 
Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 422. 



267 



XXVIII. COMMUNISTS 



A Communist should have largeness of 
mind and he should be staunch and active, 
looking upon the interests of the revolution 
as his very life and subordinating his per- 
sonal interests to those of the revolution; 
always and everywhere he should adhere 
to principle and wage a tireless struggle 
against all incorrect ideas and actions, so 
as to consolidate the collective life of the 
Party and strengthen the ties between the 
Party and the masses; he should be more 
concerned about the Party and the masses 
than about any individual, and more con- 
cerned about others than about himself. 
Only thus can he be considered a Com- 
munist. 

"Combat Liberalism" (September 
7, 1937), Selected Works, Vol. II, 
p. 33.* 



Every comrade must be brought to un- 
derstand that the supreme test of the words 
and deeds of a Communist is whether they 
conform with the highest interests and enjoy 
the support of the overwhelming majority 
of the people. 

"On Coalition Government" 

(April 24, 1945), Selected Works, 
Vol. Ill, p. 316.* 



At no time and in no circumstances 
should a Communist place his personal 
interests first; he should subordinate them 
to the interests of the nation and of the 
masses. Hence, selfishness, slacking, corrup- 
tion, seeking the limelight, and so on, are 
most contemptible, while selflessness, work- 
ing with all one's energy, whole-hearted 
devotion to public duty, and quiet hard 
work will command respect. 

"The Role of the Chinese Com- 
munist Party in the National 
War" (October 1938), Selected 
Works, Vol. II, p. 198. 

269 



Communists must be ready at all times 
to stand up for the truth, because truth is 
in the interests of the people; Communists 
must be ready at all times to correct their 
mistakes, because mistakes are against the 
interests of the people. 

"On Coalition Government" 

(April 24, 1945), Selected Works, 
Vol. Ill, p. 315. 

Communists must always go into the 
whys and wherefores of anything, use their 
own heads and carefully think over whether 
or not it corresponds to reality and is really 
well founded; on no account should they 
follow blindly and encourage slavishness. 

"Rectify the Party's Style of 
Work" (February I, 1942), Selected 
Works, Vol. Ill, p. 50. 



We should encourage comrades to take 
the interests of the whole into account. 
Every Party member, every branch of work, 
every statement and every action must pro- 
ceed from the interests of the whole Party; 



270 



it is absolutely impermissible to violate this 
principle. 

Ibid., p. 44. 

Communists should set an example in 
being practical as well as far-sighted. For 
only by being practical can they fulfil the 
appointed tasks, and only far-sightedness 
can prevent them from losing their bear- 
ings in the march forward. 

"The Role of the Chinese Com- 
munist Party in the National 
War" (October 1938), Selected 
Works, Vol. II, p. 198. 

Communists should be the most far- 
sighted, the most self-sacrificing, the most 
resolute, and the least prejudiced in sizing 
up situations, and should rely on the major- 
ity of the masses and win their support. 

"The Tasks of the Chinese Com- 
munist Party in the Period of 
Resistance to Japan" (May 3, 
1937), Selected Works, Vol. I, 
p. 274.* 



271 



Communists should set an example in 
study; at all times they should be pupils of 
the masses as well as their teachers. 

"The Role of the Chinese Com- 
munist Party in the National 
War" (October 1938), Selected 
Works, Vol. II, p. 198.* 



Every Communist working in the mass 
movements should be a friend of the masses 
and not a boss over them, an indefatigable 
teacher and not a bureaucratic politician. 

Ibid. * 



Communists must never separate them- 
selves from the majority of the people or 
neglect them by leading only a few pro- 
gressive contingents in an isolated and rash 
advance, but must take care to forge close 
links between the progressive elements and 
the broad masses. This is what is meant by 
thinking in terms of the majority. 

Ibid., p. 201.* 



272 



We Communists are like seeds and the 
people are like the soil. Wherever we go, 
we must unite with the people, take root 
and blossom among them. 

"On the Chungking Negotia- 
tions" (October 17, 1945), Selected 
Works, Vol. IV, p. 58. 

We Communists must be able to integrate 
ourselves with the masses in all things. If 
our Party members spend their whole lives 
sitting indoors and never go out to face the 
world and brave the storm, what good will 
they be to the Chinese people? None at 
all, and we do not need such people as 
Party members. We Communists ought 
to face the world and brave the storm, the 
great world of mass struggle and the mighty 
storm of mass struggle. 

"Get Organized!" (November 29, 
1943), Selected Works, Vol. Ill, 
p. 158. 



The exemplary vanguard role of the 
Communists is of vital importance. Com- 



273 



munists in the Eighth Route and New 
Fourth Armies should set an example in 
fighting bravely, carrying out orders, observ- 
ing discipline, doing political work and 
fostering internal unity and solidarity. 

"The Role of the Chinese Com- 
munist Party in the National 
War" (October 1938), Selected 
Works, Vol. II, p. 197.* 



A Communist must never be opinionated 
or domineering, thinking that he is good in 
everything while others are good in noth- 
ing; he must never shut himself up in his 
little room, or brag and boast and lord it 
over others. 

"Speech at the Assembly of 
Representatives of the Shensi- 
Kansu-Ningsia Border Region" 
(November 21, 1941), Selected 
Works, Vol. Ill, p. 33.* 



Communists must listen attentively to 
the views of people outside the Party and 
let them have their say. If what they say 



274 



is right, we ought to welcome it, and we 
should learn from their strong points; if 
it is wrong, we should let them finish what 
they are saying and then patiently explain 
things to them. 

Ibid. 



The attitude of Communists towards any 
person who has made mistakes in his work 
should be one of persuasion in order to 
help him change and start afresh and not 
one of exclusion, unless he is incorrigible. 

"The Role of the Chinese Com- 
munist Party in the National 
War" (October 1938), Selected 
Works, Vol. II, p. 198. 



As for people who are politically back- 
ward, Communists should not slight or 
despise them, but should befriend them, 
unite with them, convince them and encour- 
age them to go forward. 

Ibid. 



275 



XXIX. CADRES 



In order to guarantee that our Party and 
country do not change their colour, we 
must not only have a correct line and 
correct policies but must train and bring 
up millions of successors who will carry on 
the cause of proletarian revolution. 

In the final analysis, the question of train- 
ing successors for the revolutionary cause 
of the proletariat is one of whether or not 
there will be people who can carry on the 
Marxist-Leninist revolutionary cause started 
by the older generation of proletarian rev- 
olutionaries, whether or not the leadership 
of our Party and state will remain in the 
hands of proletarian revolutionaries, wheth- 
er or not our descendants will continue to 
march along the correct road laid down 
by Marxism-Leninism, or, in other words, 
whether or not we can successfully prevent 

276 



the emergence of Khrushchov's revisionism 
in China. In short, it is an extremely im- 
portant question, a matter of life and death 
for our Party and our country. It is a 
question of fundamental importance to the 
proletarian revolutionary cause for a 
hundred, a thousand, nay ten thousand 
years. Basing themselves on the changes 
in the Soviet Union, the imperialist prophets 
are pinning their hopes of "peaceful evolu- 
tion" on the third or fourth generation of 
the Chinese Party. We must shatter these 
imperialist prophecies. From our highest 
organizations down to the grass-roots, we 
must everywhere give constant attention to 
the training and upbringing of successors 
to the revolutionary cause. 

What are the requirements for worthy 
successors to the revolutionary cause of the 
proletariat? 

They must be genuine Marxist-Leninists 
and not revisionists like Khrushchov wear- 
ing the cloak of Marxism-Leninism. 

They must be revolutionaries who whole- 
heartedly serve the overwhelming majority 
of the people of China and the whole world, 

1-77 



and must not be like Khrushchov who 
serves both the interests of the handful of 
members of the privileged bourgeois stra- 
tum in his own country and those of foreign 
imperialism and reaction. 

They must be proletarian statesmen ca- 
pable of uniting and working together with 
the overwhelming majority. Not only must 
they unite with those who agree with them, 
they must also be good at uniting with 
those who disagree and even with those 
who formerly opposed them and have since 
been proved wrong in practice. But they 
must especially watch out for careerists and 
conspirators like Khrushchov and prevent 
such bad elements from usurping the lead- 
ership of the Party and the state at any level. 

They must be models in applying the 
Party's democratic centralism, must master 
the method of leadership based on the prin- 
ciple of "from the masses, to the masses", 
and must cultivate a democratic style 
and be good at listening to the masses. 
They must not be despotic like Khrushchov 
and violate the Party's democratic central- 

278 



ism, make surprise attacks on comrades or 
act arbitrarily and dictatorially. 

They must be modest and prudent and 
guard against arrogance and impetuosity; 
they must be imbued with the spirit of self- 
criticism and have the courage to correct 
mistakes and shortcomings in their work. 
They must never cover up their errors like 
Khrushchov, and claim all the credit for 
themselves and shift all the blame on 
others. 

Successors to the revolutionary cause of 
the proletariat come forward in mass 
struggles and are tempered in the great 
storms of revolution. It is essential to test 
and judge cadres and choose and train suc- 
cessors in the long course of mass struggle. 

Quoted in On Khrushchov's Pho- 
ney Communism and Its His- 
torical Lessons for the World 
(July 14, 1964), pp. 71-74-* 

Our Party organizations must be extended 
all over the country and we must pur- 
posefully train tens of thousands of cadres 



279 



and hundreds of first-rate leaders. They 
must be cadres and leaders versed in 
Marxism-Leninism, politically far-sighted, 
competent in work, full of the spirit of self- 
sacrifice, capable of tackling problems on 
their own, steadfast in the midst of difficul- 
ties and loyal and devoted in serving the 
nation, the class and the Party. It is on 
these cadres and leaders that the Party 
relies for its links with the membership 
and the masses, and it is by relying on 
their firm leadership of the masses that the 
Party can succeed in defeating the enemy. 
Such cadres and leaders must be free from 
selfishness, from individualistic heroism, os- 
tentation, sloth, passivity, and arrogant sec- 
tarianism, and they must be selfless national 
and class heroes; such are the qualities and 
the style of work demanded of the mem- 
bers, cadres and leaders of our Party. 

"Win the Masses in Their Mil- 
lions for the Anti-Japanese 
National United Front" (May 7, 
1937), Selected Works, Vol. I, 
p. 291.* 



Cadres are a decisive factor, once the 
political line is determined. Therefore, it is 
our fighting task to train large numbers of 
new cadres in a planned way. 

"The Role of the Chinese Com- 
munist Party in the National 
War" (October 1938), Selected 
Works, Vol. II, p. 202. 

The criterion the Communist Party should 
apply in its cadres policy is whether or not 
a cadre is resolute in carrying out the Party 
line, keeps to Party discipline, has close ties 
with the masses, has the ability to find his 
bearings independently, and is active, hard- 
working and unselfish. This is what "ap- 
pointing people on their merit" means. 

Ibid. 

It is necessary to maintain the system of 
cadre participation in collective productive 
labour. The cadres of our Party and state 
are ordinary workers and not overlords 
sitting on the backs of the people. By 
taking part in collective productive labour, 



the cadres maintain extensive, constant and 
close ties with the working people. This 
is a major measure of fundamental impor- 
tance for a socialist system; it helps to 
overcome bureaucracy and to prevent re- 
visionism and dogmatism. 

Quoted in On Khrushchov's 
Phoney Communism and Its 
Historical Lessons for the World 
(July 14, 1964), pp. 68-69.* 



We must know how to judge cadres. We 
must not confine our judgement to a short 
period or a single incident in a cadre's life, 
but should consider his life and work as a 
whole. This is the principal method of 
judging cadres. 

"The Role of the Chinese Com- 
munist Party in the National 
War" (October 1938), Selected 
Works, Vol. II, p. 202. 



We must know how to use cadres well. 
In the final analysis, leadership involves 
two main responsibilities: to work out ideas, 



and to use cadres well. Such things as 
drawing up plans, making decisions, and 
giving orders and directives, are all in the 
category of "working out ideas". To put 
the ideas into practice, we must weld the 
cadres together and encourage them to go 
into action; this comes into the category of 
"using the cadres well". 

Ibid. 

We must know how to take good care 
of cadres. There are several ways of doing 
so. 

First, give them guidance. This means 
allowing them a free hand in their work 
so that they have the courage to assume 
responsibility and, at the same time, 
giving them timely instructions so that, 
guided by the Party's political line, they 
are able to make full use of their 
initiative. 

Second, raise their level. This means 
educating them by giving them the op- 
portunity to study so that they can en- 
hance their theoretical understanding and 
their working ability. 

283 



Third, check up on their work, and 
help them sum up their experience, carry 
forward their achievements and correct 
their mistakes. To assign work without 
checking up and to take notice only when 
serious mistakes are made — that is not 
the way to take care of cadres. 

Fourth, in general, use the method of 
persuasion with cadres who have made 
mistakes, and help them correct their 
mistakes. The method of struggle should 
be confined to those who make serious 
mistakes and nevertheless refuse to accept 
guidance. Here patience is essential. It 
is wrong lightly to label people "oppor- 
tunists" or lightly to begin "waging 
struggles" against them. 

Fifth, help them with their difficulties. 
When cadres are in difficulty as a result 
of illness, straitened means or domestic 
or other troubles, we must be sure to 
give them as much care as possible. 

This is how to take good care of cadres. 

Ibid., p. 203. 



A leading group that is genuinely united 
and is linked with the masses can gradually 
be formed only in the process of mass 
struggle, and not in isolation from it. In 
the process of a great struggle, the composi- 
tion of the leading group in most cases 
should not and cannot remain entirely un- 
changed throughout the initial, middle and 
final stages; the activists who come forward 
in the course of the struggle must constantly 
be promoted to replace those original mem- 
bers of the leading group who are inferior 
by comparison or who have degenerated. 

"Some Questions Concerning 

Methods of Leadership" (June 

i, 1943), Selected Works, Vol. Ill, 
p. 118.* 

If our Party does not have a great many 
new cadres working in unity and co- 
operation with the old cadres, our cause 
will come to a stop. All old cadres, there- 
fore, should welcome the new ones with 
the utmost enthusiasm and show them the 
warmest solicitude. True, new cadres have 



their shortcomings. They have not been 
long in the revolution and lack experience, 
and unavoidably some have brought with 
them vestiges of the unwholesome ideology 
of the old society, remnants of the ideology 
of petty-bourgeois individualism. But such 
shortcomings can be gradually eliminated 
through education and tempering in the 
revolution. The strong point of the new 
cadres, as Stalin has said, is that they are 
acutely sensitive to what is new and are 
therefore enthusiastic and active to a high 
degree — the very qualities which some of 
the old cadres lack. Cadres, new and old, 
should respect each other, learn from each 
other and overcome their own shortcomings 
by learning from each other's strong points, 
so as to unite as one in the common cause 
and guard against sectarian tendencies. 

"Rectify the Party's Style of 
Work" (February i, 1942), Select- 
ed Works, Vol. Ill, pp. 46-47. 



Our concern should extend to non-Party 
cadres as well as to Party cadres. There 



286 



are many capable people outside the Party 
whom we must not ignore. The duty of 
every Communist is to rid himself of 
aloofness and arrogance and to work well 
with non-Party cadres, give them sincere 
help, have a warm, comradely attitude 
towards them and enlist their initiative in 
the great cause of resisting Japan and re- 
constructing the nation. 

"The Role of the Chinese Com- 
munist Party in the National 
War" (October 1938), Selected 
Works, Vol. II, p. 202. 



287 



XXX. YOUTH 



The world is yours, as well as ours, but 
in the last analysis, it is yours. You young 
people, full of vigour and vitality, are in 
the bloom of life, like the sun at eight or 
nine in the morning. Our hope is placed 
on you. 



The world belongs to you. China's future 
belongs to you. 

Talk at a meeting with Chinese 
students and trainees in Moscow 
(November 17, 1957). 



We must help all our young people to 
understand that ours is still a very poor 
country, that we cannot change this situa- 



tion radically in a short time, and that only 
through the united efforts of our younger 
generation and all our people, working 
with their own hands, can China be made 
strong and prosperous within a period of 
several decades. The establishment of our 
socialist system has opened the road lead- 
ing to the ideal society of the future, but 
to translate this ideal into reality needs 
hard work. 

On the Correct Handling of 
Contradictions Among the People 
(February 27, 1957), 1st pocket ed., 
pp. 44-45. 
[Selected Works, Vol. V, pp. 405-06.] 



Because of their lack of political and 
social experience, quite a number of young 
people are unable to see the contrast be- 
tween the old China and the new, and it 
is not easy for them thoroughly to compre- 
hend the hardships our people went through 
in the struggle to free themselves from the 
oppression of the imperialists and Kuomin- 
tang reactionaries, or the long period of 



arduous work needed before a happy social- 
ist society can be established. That is why 
we must constantly carry on lively and 
effective political education among the 
masses and should always tell them the 
truth about the difficulties that crop up and 
discuss with them how to surmount these 
difficulties. 

Ibid., p. 63. 



The young people are the most active 
and vital force in society. They are 
the most eager to learn and the least 
conservative in their thinking. This is 
especially so in the era of socialism. We 
hope that the local Party organizations in 
various places will help and work with the 
Youth League organizations and go into 
the question of bringing into full play the 
energy of our youth in particular. The 
Party organizations should not treat them 
in the same way as everybody else and 
ignore their special characteristics. Of 
course, the young people should learn from 



290 



the old and other adults, and should strive 
as much as possible to engage in all sorts of 
useful activities with their agreement. 

Introductory note to "A Youth 
Shock Brigade of the No. 9 Agri- 
cultural Producers' Co-operative 
in Hsinping Township, Chung- 
shan County" (1955), The Socialist 
Upsurge in China's Countryside, 
Chinese ed., Vol. III. 
[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 263.] 



How should we judge whether a youth 
is a revolutionary? How can we tell? There 
can only be one criterion, namely, whether 
or not he is willing to integrate himself 
with the broad masses of workers and 
peasants and does so in practice. If he is 
willing to do so and actually does so, he is 
a revolutionary; otherwise he is a non- 
revolutionary or a counter-revolutionary. If 
today he integrates himself with the masses 
of workers and peasants, then today he 
is a revolutionary; if tomorrow he ceases 



291 



to do so or turns round to oppress the 
common people, then he becomes a non- 
revolutionary or a counter-revolutionary. 

"The Orientation of the Youth 
Movement" (May 4, 1939), 
Selected Works, Vol. II, p. 246. 



The intellectuals often tend to be subjec- 
tive and individualistic, impractical in 
their thinking and irresolute in action until 
they have thrown themselves heart and soul 
into mass revolutionary struggles, or made 
up their minds to serve the interests of the 
masses and become one with them. Hence 
although the mass of revolutionary intellec- 
tuals in China can play a vanguard role or 
serve as a link with the masses, not all 
of them will remain revolutionaries to 
the end. Some will drop out of the revolu- 
tionary ranks at critical moments and be- 
come passive, while a few may even become 
enemies of the revolution. The intellectuals 



292 



can overcome their shortcomings only in 
mass struggles over a long period. 

"The Chinese Revolution and the 
Chinese Communist Party" (De- 
cember 1939), Selected Works, 
Vol. II, p. 322.* 

Apart from continuing to act in co-ordina- 
tion with the Party in its central task, the 
Youth League should do its own work to 
suit the special characteristics of youth. New 
China must care for her youth and show 
concern for the growth of the younger gen- 
eration. Young people have to study and 
work, but they are at the age of physical 
growth. Therefore, full attention must be 
paid both to their work and study and to 
their recreation, sport and rest. 

Talk at the reception for the 
Presidium of the Second Na- 
tional Congress of the Youth 
League (June 30, 1953). 



293 



XXXI. WOMEN 



A man in China is usually subjected to 
the domination of three systems of au- 
thority [political authority, clan author- 
ity and religious authority]. ... As for 
women, in addition to being dominated 
by these three systems of authority, 
they are also dominated by the men (the 
authority of the husband). These four 
authorities — political, clan, religious and 
masculine — are the embodiment of the 
whole feudal-patriarchal ideology and sys- 
tem, and are the four thick ropes binding 
the Chinese people, particularly the peas- 
ants. How the peasants have overthrown 
the political authority of the landlords in 
the countryside has been described above. 
The political authority of the landlords is 
the backbone of all the other systems of 
authority. With that overturned, the clan 



294 



authority, the religious authority and the 
authority of the husband all begin to 
totter. ... As to the authority of the hus- 
band, this has always been weaker among 
the poor peasants because, out of economic 
necessity, their womenfolk have to do more 
manual labour than the women of the 
richer classes and therefore have more say 
and greater power of decision in family 
matters. With the increasing bankruptcy 
of the rural economy in recent years, the 
basis for men's domination over women has 
already been undermined. With the rise of 
the peasant movement, the women in many 
places have now begun to organize rural 
women's associations; the opportunity has 
come for them to lift up their heads, and 
the authority of the husband is getting 
shakier every day. In a word, the whole 
feudal-patriarchal ideology and system is 
tottering with the growth of the peasants' 
power. 

"Report on an Investigation of 
the Peasant Movement in Hu- 
nan" (March 1927), Selected 
Works, Vol. I, pp. 44-46.* 



295 



Unite and take part in production and 
political activity to improve the economic 
and political status of women. 

Inscription for the magazine, 
Women of New China, printed 
in its first issue, July 20, 
1949. 



Protect the interests of the youth, women 
and children — provide assistance to young 
student refugees, help the youth and women 
to organize in order to participate on an 
equal footing in all work useful to the war 
effort and to social progress, ensure freedom 
of marriage and equality as between men 
and women, and give young people and 
children a useful education. . . . 

"On Coalition Government" 

(April 24, 1945), Selected Works, 
Vol. Ill, p. 288. 



[In agricultural production] our funda- 
mental task is to adjust the use of labour 

296 



power in an organized way and to en- 
courage women to do farm work. 

"Our Economic Policy" (January 
23, 1934), Selected Works, Vol. I, 
p. 142.* 

In order to build a great socialist society, 
it is of the utmost importance to arouse the 
broad masses of women to join in produc- 
tive activity. Men and women must re- 
ceive equal pay for equal work in produc- 
tion. Genuine equality between the sexes 
can only be realized in the process of 
the socialist transformation of society as a 
whole. 

Introductory note to "Women 
Have Gone to the Labour Front" 
(1955), The Socialist Upsurge in 
China's Countryside, Chinese ed., 
Vol. I. 
[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 263.] 

With the completion of agricultural co- 
operation, many co-operatives are finding 
themselves short of labour. It has become 
necessary to arouse the great mass of 



297 



women who did not work in the 
fields before to take their place on the 
labour front. . . . China's women are a 
vast reserve of labour power. This reserve 
should be tapped in the struggle to build 
a great socialist country. 

Introductory note to "Solving the 
Labour Shortage by Arousing the 
Women to Join in Production" 
(1955), The Socialist Upsurge in 
China's Countryside, Chinese ed., 
Vol. II. 
[Selected Works, Vol. V, pp. 268-69.] 



Enable every woman who can work to 
take her place on the labour front, under 
the principle of equal pay for equal work. 
This should be done as quickly as possible. 

Introductory note to "On Widen- 
ing the Scope of Women's Work 
in the Agricultural Co-operative 
Movement" (1955), The Socialist 
Upsurge in China's Countryside, 
Chinese ed., Vol. I. 



XXXII. CULTURE 
AND ART 



In the world today all culture, all litera- 
ture and art belong to definite classes and 
are geared to definite political lines. There 
is in fact no such thing as art for art's sake, 
art that stands above classes, art that is 
detached from or independent of politics. 
Proletarian literature and art are part of 
the whole proletarian revolutionary cause; 
they are, as Lenin said, cogs and wheels in 
the whole revolutionary machine. 

"Talks at the Yenan Forum on 
Literature and Art" (May 1942), 
Selected Works, Vol. Ill, p. 86.* 



Revolutionary culture is a powerful 
revolutionary weapon for the broad masses 
of the people. It prepares the ground 



299 



ideologically before the revolution comes 
and is an important, indeed essential, fight- 
ing front in the general revolutionary front 
during the revolution. 

"On New Democracy" (January 
1940), Selected Works, Vol. II, 
p. 382. 

All our literature and art are for the 
masses of the people, and in the first place 
for the workers, peasants and soldiers; they 
are created for the workers, peasants and 
soldiers and are for their use. 

"Talks at the Yenan Forum on 
Literature and Art" (May 1942), 
Selected Works, Vol. Ill, p. 84.* 



Our literary and art workers must ac- 
complish this task and shift their stand; 
they must gradually move their feet over 
to the side of the workers, peasants and 
soldiers, to the side of the proletariat, 
through the process of going into their very 
midst and into the thick of practical 
struggles and through the process of study- 



300 



ing Marxism and society. Only in this way 
can we have a literature and art that are 
truly for the workers, peasants and soldiers, 
a truly proletarian literature and art. 

Ibid., p. 78. 

[Our purpose is] to ensure that literature 
and art fit well into the whole revolutionary 
machine as a component part, that they 
operate as powerful weapons for uniting 
and educating the people and for attacking 
and destroying the enemy, and that they 
help the people fight the enemy with one 
heart and one mind. 

Ibid., p. 70. 

In literary and art criticism there are 
two criteria, the political and the artistic. . . . 

There is the political criterion and there 
is the artistic criterion; what is the rela- 
tionship between the two? Politics cannot 
be equated with art, nor can a general 
world outlook be equated with a method 
of artistic creation and criticism. We deny 
not only that there is an abstract and 

301 



absolutely unchangeable political criterion, 
but also that there is an abstract and abso- 
lutely unchangeable artistic criterion; each 
class in every class society has its own 
political and artistic criteria. But all classes 
in all class societies invariably put the polit- 
ical criterion first and the artistic criterion 
second. . . . What we demand is the unity 
of politics and art, the unity of content and 
form, the unity of revolutionary political 
content and the highest possible perfection 
of artistic form. Works of art which lack 
artistic quality have no force, however 
progressive they are politically. Therefore, 
we oppose both works of art with a wrong 
political viewpoint and the tendency to- 
wards the "poster and slogan style" which 
is correct in political viewpoint but lacking 
in artistic power. On questions of litera- 
ture and art we must carry on a struggle on 
two fronts. 

Ibid., pp. 88-90.* 



Letting a hundred flowers blossom and 
a hundred schools of thought contend is 



302 



the policy for promoting the progress of 
the arts and the sciences and a flourishing 
socialist culture in our land. Different 
forms and styles in art should develop freely 
and different schools in science should 
contend freely. We think that it is harmful 
to the growth of art and science if ad- 
ministrative measures are used to impose 
one particular style of art or school of 
thought and to ban another. Questions of 
right and wrong in the arts and sciences 
should be settled through free discussion in 
artistic and scientific circles and through 
practical work in these fields. They should 
not be settled in summary fashion. 

On the Correct Handling of 
Contradictions Among the People 
(February 27, 1957), 1st pocket ed., 
pp. 49-5°- 
[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 408.] 

An army without culture is a dull-witted 
army, and a dull-witted army cannot defeat 
the enemy. 

"The United Front in Cultural 
Work" (October 50, 1944), 
Selected Works, Vol. Ill, pp. 235. 

3°3 



XXXIII. STUDY 



In transforming a backward agricultural 
China into an advanced industrialized 
country, we are confronted with arduous 
tasks and our experience is far from 
adequate. So we must be good at 



learning. 



"Opening Address at the Eighth 
National Congress of the Com- 
munist Party of China" (Septem- 
ber 15, 1956). 



Conditions are changing all the time, and 
to adapt one's thinking to the new condi- 
tions, one must study. Even those who 
have a better grasp of Marxism and are 
comparatively firm in their proletarian 



304 



stand have to go on studying, have to absorb 
what is new and study new problems. 

Speech at the Chinese Commu- 
nist Party's National Conference 
on Propaganda Work (March 12, 
1957), 1st pocket ed., p. 8.* 
[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 425.] 



We can learn what we did not know. 
We are not only good at destroying the 
old world, we are also good at building the 
new. 

"Report to the Second Plenary 
Session of the Seventh Central 
Committee of the Communist 
Party of China" (March 5, 1949), 
Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 374. 



Now, there are two different attitudes 
towards learning from others. One is the 
dogmatic attitude of transplanting every- 
thing, whether or not it is suited to our 
conditions. This is no good. The other at- 
titude is to use our heads and learn those 
things which suit our conditions, that is, to 



3°5 



absorb whatever experience is useful to us. 
That is the attitude we should adopt. 

On the Correct Handling of 
Contradictions Among the People 
(February 27, 1957), 1st pocket ed., 

P- 75- 

[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 420.] 



The theory of Marx, Engels, Lenin and 
Stalin is universally applicable. We should 
regard it not as a dogma, but as a guide to 
action. Studying it is not merely a matter 
of learning terms and phrases but of learn- 
ing Marxism-Leninism as the science of 
revolution. It is not just a matter of 
understanding the general laws derived by 
Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin from their 
extensive study of real life and revolu- 
tionary experience, but of studying their 
standpoint and method in examining and 
solving problems. 

"The Role of the Chinese Com- 
munist Party in the National 
War" (October 1938), Selected 
Works, Vol. II, pp. 208-09. 



306 



If we have a correct theory but merely 
prate about it, pigeonhole it and do not 
put it into practice, then that theory, how- 
ever good, is of no significance. 

"On Practice" (July 1937), 
Selected Works, Vol. I, p. 304. 



It is necessary to master Marxist theory 
and apply it, master it for the sole purpose 
of applying it. If you can apply the Marxist- 
Leninist viewpoint in elucidating one or 
two practical problems, you should be com- 
mended and credited with some achieve- 
ment. The more problems you elucidate 
and the more comprehensively and pro- 
foundly you do so, the greater will be your 
achievement. 

"Rectify the Party's Style of 
Work" (February 1, 1942), Select- 
ed Works, Vol. Ill, p. 38. 



How is Marxist-Leninist theory to be 
linked with the practice of the Chinese rev- 
olution? To use a common expression, it 



3°7 



is by "shooting the arrow at the target". 
As the arrow is to the target, so is Marxism- 
Leninism to the Chinese revolution. Some 
comrades, however, are "shooting without a 
target", shooting at random, and such peo- 
ple are liable to harm the revolution. 

Ibid., p. 42. 

Those experienced in work must take up 
the study of theory and must read seriously; 
only then will they be able to systematize 
and synthesize their experience and raise it 
to the level of theory, only then will they 
not mistake their partial experience for 
universal truth and not commit empiricist 
errors. 

Ibid. 

Reading is learning, but applying is also 
learning and the more important kind of 
learning at that. Our chief method is to 
learn warfare through warfare. A person 
who has had no opportunity to go to school 
can also learn warfare — he can learn 
through fighting in war. A revolutionary 



308 



war is a mass undertaking; it is often not 
a matter of first learning and then doing, 
but of doing and then learning, for doing 
is itself learning. 

"Problems of Strategy in China's 
Revolutionary War" (December 
1936), Selected Works, Vol. I, 
pp. 189-90. 



There is a gap between the ordinary 
civilian and the soldier, but it is no Great 
Wall, and it can be quickly closed, and 
the way to close it is to take part in revolu- 
tion, in war. By saying that it is not easy 
to learn and to apply, we mean that it is 
hard to learn thoroughly and to apply skil- 
fully. By saying that civilians can very 
quickly become soldiers, we mean that it 
is not difficult to cross the threshold. To 
put the two statements together, we may 
cite the Chinese adage, "Nothing in the 
world is difficult for one who sets his 
mind to it." To cross the threshold is not 
difficult, and mastery, too, is possible pro- 



309 



vided one sets one's mind to the task and 
is good at learning. 

Ibid., p. 190. 

We must learn to do economic work 
from all who know how, no matter who 
they are. We must esteem them as teach- 
ers, learning from them respectfully and 
conscientiously. We must not pretend to 
know when we do not know. 

"On the People's Democratic 
Dictatorship" (June 30, 1949), 
Selected Works, Vol. IV, p. 423. 

Knowledge is a matter of science, and no 
dishonesty or conceit whatsoever is permis- 
sible. What is required is definitely the 
reverse — honesty and modesty. 

"On Practice" (July 1937), 
Selected Works, Vol. I, p. 300. 

Complacency is the enemy of study. We 
cannot really learn anything until we rid 
ourselves of complacency. Our attitude 



310 



towards ourselves should be "to be in- 
satiable in learning" and towards others 
"to be tireless in teaching". 

"The Role of the Chinese Com- 
munist Party in the National 
War" (October 1938), Selected 
Works, Vol. II, p. 210. 

Some people have read a few Marxist 
books and think themselves quite learned, 
but what they have read has not penetrated, 
has not struck root in their minds, so that 
they do not know how to use it and their 
class feelings remain as of old. Others are 
very conceited and having learned some 
book-phrases, think themselves terrific and 
are very cocky; but whenever a storm blows 
up, they take a stand very different from 
that of the workers and the majority of the 
peasants. They waver while the latter 
stand firm, they equivocate while the latter 
are forthright. 

Speech at the Chinese Commu- 
nist Party's National Conference 
on Propaganda Work (March 12, 
1957), 1st pocket ed., pp. 7-8. 
[Selected Works, Vol. V, p. 425.] 



3" 



In order to have a real grasp of Marxism, 
one must learn it not only from books, but 
mainly through class struggle, through prac- 
tical work and close contact with the 
masses of workers and peasants. When in 
addition to reading some Marxist books our 
intellectuals have gained some understand- 
ing through close contact with the masses 
of workers and peasants and through their 
own practical work, we will all be speak- 
ing the same language, not only the com- 
mon language of patriotism and the com- 
mon language of the socialist system, but 
probably even the common language of the 
communist world outlook. If that hap- 
pens, all of us will certainly work much 
better. 

Ibid., p. 12. 



ffi pp 



1966*f-ffiI#*:S5-» 

Sff: (56)1050-491 

* 

1967 <P1^ 191 

(06-E-l) 









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